What is it to read a text, to embark on the work of history, and to find ourselves reflected there? To read, to interpret, is always, as Judge so persuasively argues throughout his book, a work of desire; the attempt to burrow down to the bedrock of cold hard facts always thwarted by the insistence of fantasy, which fills out the gap between us and the lost object of history with a vision of our own making. To read is, then, perhaps always to reveal ourselves; to interpret always to confess. Just as the Christian quest for the historical Jesus so fundamental to emergent European understandings of race, nation and history across the 19^th and 20^th centuries foundered on the realisation that its protagonists kept turning up precisely the historical Jesus that they wanted to find, so too Judge suggests with the quest for the historical Duleep Singh; and so too, I suspect with the suggestions I’m about to make and the questions I’m going to ask about Prophetic Maharaja.

The historian Thomas Laqueur suggests a connection between three interconnected moral panics over the long eighteenth century in Europe: one concerning masturbation, one concerning women’s propensity for excessive novel reading, and one concerning the financialization of markets and property, the dissolution of solid forms of property into the intangible and speculative circulation of credit and debt. These three questions – gender and sexuality, property relations, and communication technologies circulate throughout the book, intersecting in various ways, and – as is proper for a book so insistent on the impossibility of reaching back behind the mythical and fantastical imaginaries of history to the hard core of the Real – I want to ask some vulgarly Marxist questions about them.

The European distinctions between public and private spheres, outward actions and inner thoughts and beliefs emerged in part out of an enormous transformation of the gendered order of European life, the public sphere of politics and paid labour coming to be coded as masculine and the private sphere of religion, spirituality, home life and unpaid labour coming to be coded as feminine. In eighteenth century Britain, this order was called into question by white women making claims for full citizenship with explicit reference to empire. Around fifty years before the birth of Duleep Singh, Mary Wollstonecraft wrote the foundational text of white feminism, arguing that by being denied full rights of citizenship and property ownership, British women were – like “oriental despots” and enslaved Africans, forced into positions of passivity and luxury, forced to exercise power through manipulation and seduction rather than through rational argument. In 1888, two years after Duleep Singh tried and failed to return to the Punjab, Josephine Butler campaigned for the Indian Contagious Diseases act, arguing that the horrors of the British Army’s treatment of Indian sex workers might provoke rebellion, ‘especially in the Punjab’, and making the case for middle class white women’s emancipation so that they might more effectively work for the moral purification of the British Empire. These questions of gender, race and citizenship circulate throughout Prophetic Maharaja. Judge depicts Duleep Singh’s conversion or reversion back to Sikhism as a masculinising move, in which Singh secured his Sikh identity through arranged marriages for his daughters and chastised other princes for their effeminizing trust in British justice. As Judge writes, ‘In Duleep Singh’s rhetoric, the key to liberating the mother country lay in cultivating the boundaries of the masculine Sikh self while warding off effeminacy’. I want to push him to say a little more about how we might think the question of gender, particularly in terms of its ordering of the distinction between public and private, in relation to the material organisations of gender, production and the household in this period.

The figure of the sovereign subject which shows up repeatedly throughout the book is a masculine subject, but is also, crucially, a property-owning subject. As Judge argues, Singh drew on this notion of the property owning subject to challenge his exile, demanding that the British recognise both his rights as a private property owner, and also the freedom which was his possession by right as a British citizen. Yet the incommensurability of Sikh and British economic practices emerges repeatedly as a point of conflict and differentiation. The bazaar recurs as a site where imperial categorization is fractured and seditious rumours spread, and Sikh practices of gift-giving are at the heart both of Singh’s attempt to re-claim a Sikh identity and, it seems to me, of the different conceptions of community Judge finds at work in the text: on the one hand, the Christian model of community understood in terms of enclosure and possession, and on the other, the Sikh model of community understood in terms of halemi raj, ‘constituted by “the recognition of others without subjecting”’. Sikh practice, Judge suggests, undermines imperial notions of the self by ‘allowing the community to reestablish debts within itself, dissolving the contours of the self’. As Singh sought to re-establish his standing as Sikh, Judge argues, ‘the monetary amount he donated to produce karah prasad was central in cultivating relationships with the sangat, and in this process, Singh ‘foregrounded the thing itself rather than the relations it produces’ to understand the pahul ceremony, making it clear that he did not want his money to be used to buy ‘the white sugar sold in bags’. Here, Judge suggests, ‘we are left with the ambiguous nature of the commodity form that ties together a community irreducible to the logic of market exchange of autonomous individuals.’ I have two questions here: first, I wanted to ask for a little expansion on the role of sugar in this narrative: am I right to suspect that it is not incidental that this is a product so fundamental both to British imperial expansion and, via its connection with the slave trade, to the private property form as such? Second I want to ask, again, whether we might see this complex interplay of notions of community, obligation and exchange in relation to the material ordering of property, production and the household at this moment in history?

The question of public and private, of inner and outer selves, emerges at various points in the book as a question connected to technologies of communication. Judge points to Caroline Walker Bynum’s work on the emergence of ‘the individual’ in twelfth century Europe, and this emergence was in part the product of new technologies and the new forms of social life they produced and/or enabled. The 12^th century saw the proliferation of literacy, of texts in the vernacular, and of new literary forms, as well as the emergence of new forms of bureaucratic administration built on new techniques of accounting, law, and financial exchange. The later emergence of the modern nation state was, as Benedict Anderson has argued, tied in with the new forms of communication made possible by the printing press and the newspaper. The emergence of spiritualism was tied, as Jeffrey Sconce has shown, to the invention of the telegraph. All of these technologies, along with more ancient forms of communication such as rumour and gossip, show up at different points in the text, and questions of reading and interpretation often seem central to the complex negotiations of Singh and his collaborators with imperial powers. Rumours and documents are circulated in secret, the British intervene in the public sphere because the masses are seen as incapable of rational discourse, and the press seek and fail to control the narratives they publish. It seems to me that one thing going on here is that the complexity and internal conflicts which Judge identifies in both as both imperial powers and Sikh communities relate to Singh is mirrored in the complex ecology of communication technologies at play in this period, but I’d like to hear Judge’s thoughts on what attention to this technological strand which runs through the book might draw out.

And finally, I want to return to that most materialist of practices, to psychoanalysis. One reading of Judge’s historiographical approach might suggest that the work of history is itself a form of analytic practice, the hard matter of historical detail inseparable from the subjectivity we bring to it, tradition and archive the other side of the Möbius strip of the desire which makes us who we are. The quest for the historical Jesus was always, at least in some way, the quest for the meaning of Jesus, and in my own work I’ve suggested that the Christian tradition can be understood as constituted by an ongoing set of disagreements about how to answer this question. But reflecting on Prophetic Maharaja I’ve wondered if this is still too simplistic. Joshua Ramey has described divination as “a tradition-bound mode of taking chance seriously”, a definition which seems to me also to encompass the practice of psychoanalysis. Might this also work as an account of the vision of the writing of history that Judge presents us: a tradition bound mode of taking chance seriously, of reading what has been handed down to us in stories or rumours or telegrams or archives, what we have found and what we have stumbled upon, as a way to grapple with the question of who we are which is, of course, the question: what do we want?