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Donald Trump: Von allmächtig zu ohnmächtig?

Die blaue Welle lässt Donald Trump politisch stark geschwächt aus den Midterms hervorgehen. Während bei den Republikanern die Loyalitätsfront bröckelt, stehen die siegreichen Demokraten vor weiteren Diskussionen um ihre künftige Ausrichtung. Die Vize-Chefredakteurin von POLITICO Deutschland, Annett Meiritz, analysiert im Gespräch mit Maximilian Stascheit, warum der Richtungsstreit ein Kulturkampf ist und wie Trump seinen Fokus nun noch stärker auf die Geopolitik richten wird.

Außerdem im 200-Sekunden-Interview: Rixa Fürsen trifft Florian Hahn (CSU) auf der Berlin Security Conference. Im Gespräch ordnet er ein, was die deutsche Außenpolitik nach den US-Wahlen nun erwartet.

Der Weg zum Führerschein kostet mittlerweile ein kleines Vermögen. Obwohl die schwarz-rote Koalition Besserung versprach, fällt die geplante Reform nun kleiner aus als erhofft. Cedric Looks aus der POLITICO-Redaktion schlüsselt auf, wie SPD und Union die Transparenzregeln für Fahrschulen verwässern und warum begleitete Übungsfahrten mit den Eltern künftig womöglich neue Bürokratie bringen, obwohl man die doch abbauen will.

Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Rixa Fürsen, Maximilian Stascheit und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig.

Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren.

POLITICO Deutschland – ein Angebot der Axel Springer Deutschland GmbH
Axel-Springer-Straße 65, 10888 Berlin
Tel: +49 (30) 2591 0
information@axelspringer.de
Sitz: Amtsgericht Berlin-Charlottenburg, HRB 196159 B
USt-IdNr: DE 214 852 390
Geschäftsführer: Christoph Eck-Schmidt, Carolin Hulshoff Pol, Mathias Sanchez Luna

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Schockwahl für Trump: Demokraten erobern den Kongress

Bei den Midterms in den USA erobern die Demokraten das Repräsentantenhaus und auch ein Sieg im Senat ist wahrscheinlich. Donald Trump poltert bereits. Helge Fuhst, Vorsitzender der Chefredaktionen von POLITICO, Welt und Business Insider, berichtet direkt aus Washington über den Wahlschock für die Republikaner, die Auswirkungen in der Innen- und Außenpolitik und wie es jetzt mit Blick auf die Präsidentschaftswahl in zwei Jahren weitergeht.

Wenn Hacker nicht mehr auf Kraftwerke zielen, sondern Supermarkt-Kühlsysteme auf 50 Grad erhitzen, wird Cybersicherheit zum direkten Alltagsproblem. Tonnenweise verdorbene Lebensmittel in ganz Europa werfen eine drängende Frage auf: Stecken russische Akteure hinter dieser neuen Form der Sabotage? POLITICO-Expertin Anouk Schlung von „Technologie & KI am Morgen“ ordnet ein, warum bei diesen Angriffen klassische Lösegeldforderungen fehlen und wie sich die kritische Infrastruktur nun wappnen muss.

Während die Welt auf die US-Midterms blickt, wächst in Europa der Druck, sicherheitspolitisch auf eigenen Beinen zu stehen. Die Grünen-Co-Parteichefin Franziska Brantner wirbt auf ihrer Reise nach Litauen und dann nach Polen für eine europäische Verteidigungsunion und eine Koalition der Willigen bei der Rüstungsbeschaffung. Warum ausgerechnet wichtige Partner wie Polen bei gemeinsamen Waffenkäufen blockieren und wie Europa seine Abhängigkeit von den USA verringern kann, darum geht’s im 200-Sekunden-Interview mit ihr.

Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Rixa Fürsen, Maximilian Stascheit und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig.

Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren.

POLITICO Deutschland – ein Angebot der Axel Springer Deutschland GmbH
Axel-Springer-Straße 65, 10888 Berlin
Tel: +49 (30) 2591 0
information@axelspringer.de
Sitz: Amtsgericht Berlin-Charlottenburg, HRB 196159 B
USt-IdNr: DE 214 852 390
Geschäftsführer: Christoph Eck-Schmidt, Carolin Hulshoff Pol, Mathias Sanchez Luna

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5 things Europe needs to monitor as Democrats blitz Trump in US midterms

Strap in for a political rollercoaster.

After winning the Senate and making decisive gains in the House, Democratic lawmakers will be determined to investigate anything and everything that’s happened over the past two years of the Trump administration.

“Lawyer up,” warned Rep. Robert Garcia of California, the likely next chair of the House Oversight Committee, in the early hours of Wednesday morning.

The results will probably set in motion investigations into the war in Iran, the running of the FBI and, of course, Donald Trump’s family business dealings. Think Bill Clinton’s Whitewater scandal and Trump’s first impeachment rolled into one, with Iran-Contra thrown in for extra froth.

How will these seismic political shifts impact Europe? From energy prices to the war in Ukraine, the continent has a lot riding on what happens in Washington. Here are five things to watch out for.

Europe risks bearing the brunt of Trump’s frustration

Some seasoned observers think this is not only possible but highly likely. “We need to brace ourselves for not more harmonious transatlantic relations but more acrimony and even more Trump demands on Europe,” warned Wolfgang Ischinger, the veteran German diplomat and longtime chair of the Munich Security Conference.

Democrats will have more opportunities to challenge Trump through appropriations procedures and by being more aggressive in oversight hearings and probes. They will also likely start attaching stricter conditions to legislation the White House wants.

But a U.S. president has considerable constitutional discretion over foreign policy, diplomacy and national security — as well as trade policy — and Trump has unabashedly grabbed more by using edicts and developing novel, contentious legal maneuvers to bypass Congress.

“[Trump] leads military force. He has control over tariffs and trade deals. He has the bully pulpit. Even if Democrats take both houses, he can veto bills,” Phil Gordon, former national security adviser to ex-Vice President Kamala Harris, told Brussels Playbook.

Expect more confrontation. Trump will likely want to show he’s still the boss and a master of the universe — and he has more chance to do that on the international stage. Europe has long been in his crosshairs and those of MAGA stalwarts, who shed crocodile tears for the continent, saying they want to save Europe from itself.

They now only have two years to do so. Pedal to the metal!

Breathing space for Ukraine

Most leading Democrats have consistently backed sending aid to Ukraine, framing it as a defense of global democracy and international law — as well as being in America’s national security interests.

The Democrats can begin to create the circumstances to assist Ukraine. But don’t “expect instant salvation for Zelenskyy,” said Bronwen Maddox, director of the U.K.’s Chatham House think tank. “Because even if the Democrats decide to start sending Kyiv more things, including money, that really will take months to unfold and even possibly years,” she said

Ukraine needs immediate assistance, especially Patriot missiles for its air defenses, to get through this winter under Russia’s continuing bombardment.

A Trumpian peace deal

Trump has framed himself as the president of peace and loudly claims to have ended eight international conflicts. He’s said Ukraine should have been the easiest peace deal to conclude and has increasingly blamed the country’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, for failing to reach an agreement.

Former U.S. diplomat Kurt Volker reckons Trump will ignore protests from Kyiv and European allies and “start lifting sanctions and doing business deals with Russia.”

He said: “I can very well see him doing that unilaterally and directing the U.S. Treasury to refrain from implementing sanctions and trying to get more deals on energy with Russia. He’s been talking with Putin about getting the U.S. majors back into Russia.”

But when it comes to NATO and following through on threats to reduce U.S. deployments on the continent, Volker expects Trump will be more bark than bite. “With NATO, I think not much is gonna change much when it comes to pulling out of NATO or force posture reduction. Trump is really alone on this in the U.S. — he doesn’t have support from Democrats, Republicans, Congress, or the media.”

A fall in energy prices

Will energy prices plummet? Don’t bet on it. On Monday, oil prices fell at their fastest pace since August — though Brent crude, a key international benchmark, still traded at $108 a barrel.

Unless Trump strikes a peace deal with Tehran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, the prolonged energy shock that’s spiking power costs in Europe and adding to the cost-of-living crisis will continue — skewing European politics. On air travel and the airline industry, Ryanair CEO Michael O’Leary warned that without a deal, the industry will be “facing a real crisis by next March or April.”

Trump doesn’t have good choices on Iran: relaunch military operations in the hope the Iranians will back down or the theocratic regime collapses; back down himself; or walk away and say others — i.e. the Europeans or Asians — need to solve the problem.

Resuming military operations and spiking energy prices even more will be highly unpopular in the U.S., but the electoral damage has already been done.

Just chaos — with not much time for anywhere else

There’s also a chance that the U.S. will become so distracted and consumed by the political warfare in Washington that neither Trump nor the Democrats have much time for anything — including foreign policy.

Former Vice President Kamala Harris warned on a podcast last month that the Democrats shouldn’t try to impeach Trump again, dismissing it as “not a good idea.”

Rahm Emanuel, the former mayor of Chicago, has urged fellow Democrats to avoid a “food fight” and to focus legislative priorities on affordability, raising the federal minimum wage and developing new ethics rules for all three branches of government.

Despite the pleas, Washington has seldom avoided vicious food fights.

And the political bloodletting is likely to wash up everywhere, with some of the biggest fights inside each party, forecasts POLITICO’s John F. Harris. “Both major parties face acute choices about how to present themselves to voters in the coming post-Trump era of politics,” Harris argued.

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Des mid-terms US lourdes d’impacts pour les Européens

Les Européens attendent avec beaucoup d’impatience de connaître dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi le résultat des élections de mi-mandat aux Etats-Unis. Deux ans après sa réélection triomphale, Donald Trump subira-t-il le revers électoral que lui prédisent les sondages ? Si oui, quelles pourraient en être les conséquences pour les 27 qui subissent de plein fouet les dommages des décisions d’un président américain hostile à leur égard (Moyen-Orient, Ukraine, droits de douanes, Groënland,…). Les Européens peuvent-ils réellement espérer des inflexions avec un Congrès démocrate ? Anthony Lattier en discute avec Nicholas Vinocur, spécialiste des relations internationales à POLITICO et co-auteur de la newsletter Brussels Playbook.


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Former US ambassadors: America must stand with Ukraine

The United States cannot credibly defend freedom around the world while treating the survival of a democracy under attack as a bargaining chip.

Russia’s war against Ukraine is not simply a territorial dispute. It is a test of whether democratic nations will defend the principles that sustain their freedom — or allow an authoritarian aggressor to destroy these principles through military force, terror and economic coercion.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine was unlawful. Its conduct has included attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, and in March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Children’s Rights Commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova over alleged war crimes involving the unlawful deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children. All grave allegations that demand accountability.

As Ukraine continues to fight for its survival, current U.S. policy raises a fundamental question: Does Washington understand what is at stake?

If Moscow succeeds in subjugating Ukraine, other authoritarian leaders will also ask whether military conquest can succeed. Can U.S. commitments be trusted? Will democratic nations stand together when the price becomes politically inconvenient?

Ukraine’s defense is not charity. It is a strategic investment in American and European security, Washington’s credibility and the deterrence of future conflicts.

The U.S. emerged from World War II understanding that an international order based on sovereignty, freedom and rule of law serves its interests. And successive Republican and Democratic administrations recognized that unchecked authoritarian expansion threatens both American security and the independence of its allies.

That understanding must guide U.S. policy toward Russia today.

Diplomacy is essential. Negotiations to end the war should be pursued seriously. But peace cannot mean rewarding aggression, compelling Ukraine to surrender its sovereignty or giving Moscow time to rearm for another invasion.

Appeasement does not necessarily prevent conflict. It can encourage aggression by convincing dictators the free world lacks the will to resist them. And a ceasefire without effective safeguards could become merely a pause before the next assault. A settlement that leaves Ukraine defenseless would postpone the conflict, not resolve it.

Peace should be measured not by the speed with which an agreement is signed, but by whether it protects Ukraine’s independence and makes another war less likely. And economic pressure is among the most important nonmilitary instruments available to the U.S. in this process, as Russia’s ability to wage war depends substantially on energy revenues, access to international markets and networks that facilitate sanctions evasion.

On Sept.18, U.S. President Donald Trump signed the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026 into law. Then, on Oct. 16, he issued an executive order waiving specified sanctions, restrictions and duties authorized under the legislation, citing the national interest. This order raises a legitimate question about how Washington intends to use the economic leverage Congress provided.

The measurable objectives these waivers are intended to achieve, why they serve American national security and what conditions would trigger their reconsideration need to be explained.

The U.S. needs to enforce restrictions consistently, close avenues for evasion and impose consequences when countries or companies knowingly provide material assistance to Russia’s war effort in violation of applicable law.

This does not require abandoning diplomacy. It requires a coherent policy in which economic relief advances clearly defined security objectives.

If Washington weakens its own pressure without obtaining meaningful concessions, it risks surrendering leverage while leaving Russia’s aggression unresolved. Every source of revenue helping Moscow sustain its military campaign has consequences for Ukrainian civilians, who bear them in destroyed homes, shattered families and lost lives.

U.S. policy should not make it easier for Russia to finance a war Washington says it wants to end.

American history has a bipartisan tradition of leadership that combines the defense of freedom with strategic judgment.

Harry Truman understood U.S. security depended on resisting authoritarian expansion. During the Cuban Missile Crisis, John F. Kennedy demonstrated that strength and diplomacy are not opposites. Ronald Reagan understood freedom must be defended against those who seek to suppress it. And George H. W. Bush knew sovereignty and alliances are essential to an international order where nations cannot redraw borders by force.

Though from different eras, the leadership of these presidents reflected a common principle: American security is strengthened when the U.S. combines military strength, alliances, diplomacy and a commitment to the independence of free nations.

A policy that pressures Ukraine more than Russia, offers Moscow economic relief without substantial concessions or asks Ukrainians to accept an insecure future is not a strategy for lasting peace. It risks rewarding aggression and inviting further conflict.

And above all, Ukraine’s future should not be decided over the heads of Ukrainians.

Democratic institutions can be attacked and dismantled far faster than they can be rebuilt. Ukraine’s struggle is therefore about more than one war. It is about whether the democratic world will remain a community of nations bound by common principles or become a collection of states left to negotiate individually with authoritarian regimes.

History will not judge U.S. policy solely by the immediate cost of weapons, energy or sanctions. It will judge whether America stood by a nation fighting for survival, upheld the principles it asks others to respect and helped prevent future wars by demonstrating that aggression does not pay.

Adrian Zuckerman is a former U.S. ambassador to Romania (2019-2021); Mark Gitenstein is a former U.S. ambassador to Romania (2009-2012) and to the EU (2022-2025); Ron Gidwitz is a former U.S. ambassador to Belgium (2018-2021) and acting U.S. ambassador to the EU (2020-2021); Jim Gilmore is a former U.S. ambassador to the OSCE (2019-2021); Kathleen Kavalec is a former U.S. ambassador to Romania (2023-2025); Jim Rosapepe is a former U.S. ambassador to Romania (1998-2001).

POLITICO occasionally publishes opinion pieces from guest authors to offer our readers a range of perspectives on the intersection of power and politics. The views expressed are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of POLITICO.

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‘Disturbing and pathetic’: German politicians slam Audi CEO’s appearance at Trump rally

German politicians have sharply criticized Audi CEO Gernot Döllner’s appearance alongside U.S. President Donald Trump at a campaign rally on Saturday.

“Actively campaigning for an autocrat who is waging a trade war against Germany marks a new low for the VW Group,” said Isabel Cademartori, a Social Democratic Party lawmaker and the party’s transport policy spokesperson.

“This is a disgrace,” she added, “especially considering the history of the VW Group.” Audi is a subsidiary of Volkswagen, which was founded in 1937 by the Nazi Party’s German Labor Front. Cademartori went on to accuse Audi of “validating Trump’s strategy” of “using a trade war to shift jobs from Europe to the United States.”

At the rally in the U.S. state of Georgia, Trump announced Audi plans to invest around $4 billion to build a new factory and begin producing cars in the U.S. for the first time. Döllner joined Trump on stage and thanked him for his support.

The announcement comes as Volkswagen faces a deep crisis amid a major restructuring in Germany, with factory closures and mass layoffs expected.

MEP Dennis Radtke from the center-right Christian Democratic Union party also lambasted Döllner’s appearance at the Republican campaign rally. “Donald Trump’s policies are massively damaging German industry, including the automotive industry,” he told German media outlet Handelsblatt.

“The fact that German companies invest abroad is initially a completely normal and understandable process. However, to turn this into an election campaign staging for Donald Trump is disturbing and pathetic,” he added.

German union leaders joined in the condemnation of Döllner. Christiane Benner, first chair of IG Metall, Germany’s biggest industrial trade union, said Monday: “The way in which Gernot Döllner presented himself and Audi in the USA is highly embarrassing, politically unacceptable, and unworthy of the company — and, above all, unworthy of the people who work at Audi.

“Döllner is flagrantly violating the company’s own internal policies, which explicitly mandate political neutrality in the lead-up to elections,” she added.

In a statement released Sunday, Audi said the “U.S. offers considerable growth potential for Audi. Local production is a central component of a comprehensive growth strategy.” The company added that “the planned investment is a long-term commitment to the United States.”

Earlier this year, Volkswagen CEO Oliver Blume blamed the firm’s worst financial results in a decade partially on tariffs imposed by the Trump administration.

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