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Americans hate tipping. So why haven’t they stopped?

I am a recovering people-pleaser, though I admit most of the recovering still takes place in private. I rehearse difficult conversations for weeks — on walks by the lake, in the shower, in the mirror — before actually having them. I’ve let subscriptions renew rather than endure the discomfort of calling to cancel. I once managed to pay extra for one of the worst haircuts of my life. And then there was the onyx. At a metaphysical shop, a cashier with impeccable black nails and at least six rings that looked like they had their own elaborate backstories silently turned a touchscreen toward me. It asked whether I’d like to leave a tip. Now, I’d never considered the etiquette of tipping for a rock, but something about the setting made pressing “No Tip” feel like tempting fate. I selected 15%, unwilling to risk the karmic consequences.

It took a blueberry muffin to break me.

At an airport coffee shop, I’d retrieved a bottled juice from the refrigerator and selected a muffin, mummy-wrapped in plastic cling wrap. The cashier scanned my items, and the tablet swung around. Would I like to leave a tip? My suggested options were 20%, 23% and 25%.

For once in my life, I declined. The muffin, I reasoned, could hardly take it personally.

For all the complaints about tipping culture, however, Americans appear remarkably reluctant to abandon the practice where it’s traditionally been expected. According to new data from restaurant technology company Toast, highlighted in an October 10 Food & Wine report, the average tip at full-service restaurants was 19.1% in the second quarter of 2026, while quick-service restaurants averaged 15.8%. Those figures, drawn from card and digital transactions that included gratuities, have barely budged over the last two years. Meanwhile, a 2025 Bankrate survey found that 63% of American adults held at least one negative view about tipping, including 41% who believed tipping culture had gotten out of control. Yet 70% of respondents who ate at sit-down restaurants said they always tipped their servers.

In other words, Americans have developed a fairly robust appetite for complaining about tipping, but considerably less enthusiasm for actually stopping.

The phenomenon has acquired its own name: “tipflation.” According to Google Trends, searches for the term were virtually nonexistent before November 2022, only to peak in popularity the following summer. The timing was hardly coincidental. Americans had spent much of the preceding year grappling with soaring prices on everything from groceries to gasoline. Now, just as they were adjusting to the fact that seemingly everything cost more, they were being asked to leave gratuities on transactions that had never previously seemed to require them.

Digital payment systems have made this negotiation both more ubiquitous and, somehow, more awkward. “The screen is just going to ask you a few questions,” a cashier might say, employing a euphemism now familiar to anyone who has purchased a coffee in the last several years. What might once have been a couple dollars dropped into a jar has become an additional decision at checkout, complete with suggested percentages and the opportunity to feel vaguely terrible about selecting none of them.


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And the irritation isn’t entirely financial. The same screen might appear whether someone has prepared six elaborate espresso drinks or simply scanned a packaged muffin, leaving customers to make impromptu judgments about the value of someone else’s labor. Is the employee earning a tipped wage? Does the gratuity go directly to them? These are rather complicated questions to consider while standing in line for coffee, particularly when the person behind you is waiting to order. What was once an opportunity to offer something extra has become a request customers must actively decline.

There is, however, an important distinction between resenting a tip request at an airport kiosk and deciding not to tip the person who has spent the last hour bringing you dinner. In most of the country, restaurant servers work under a compensation structure that explicitly assumes gratuities will make up a substantial portion of their earnings. Even where employers are required to pay the full minimum wage before tips, gratuities can remain an important part of a server’s income. 

Over time, this economic arrangement has also hardened into a remarkably durable social contract. Americans may disagree about whether to tip someone who pours an iced coffee from a jug, but at a full-service restaurant, the expectations are considerably clearer. The bill arrives, you calculate a gratuity and, assuming nothing has gone terribly wrong, you leave something in the neighborhood of 20%. For many diners, myself included, it’s simply part of the cost of eating out, as much as the entrée or the glass of wine.

Of course, the trouble with calling tipping a social contract is that it makes it sound as though we all sat down and agreed on the terms. We didn’t. The practice, imported from European aristocratic traditions, took hold in America after the Civil War, when white employers found in gratuities a convenient excuse to pay newly emancipated Black workers little or nothing. It became especially entrenched in the service industry, and when Franklin Roosevelt signed the Fair Labor Standards Act in 1938, restaurant workers were among those excluded from its original minimum-wage protections. The federal tip credit, formally introduced in 1966, further institutionalized the notion that customers could be responsible for supplying a portion of workers’ wages.

There’s a reasonable argument, then, that this is a social contract overdue for renegotiation. But changing it requires more than convincing diners to stop leaving an extra $20 on the table. Restaurants operate on notoriously narrow margins, and even when price increases are necessary, customers don’t always greet them enthusiastically.

During the recent egg-price spikes, I watched some of my favorite breakfast spots paste new prices over old ones, often with apologetic little notes explaining the change. That was just the cost of one ingredient; imagine trying to explain an entirely different system of paying the people who prepare and serve the meal.

Still, some restaurants have been experimenting with precisely that. In a 2022 interview with Salon’s Maggie Hennessy, Ron Hsu, chef-owner of Atlanta’s Lazy Betty, described his decision to move away from the traditional tipped-wage model in favor of paying employees at least the federal minimum wage and using service charges to distribute compensation more equitably between front- and back-of-house workers.

Interestingly, Hsu’s restaurants were experimenting with different versions of that arrangement. At the higher-end Lazy Betty, the service charge was incorporated into menu prices; at the more casual (and now-closed) Juniper Cafe, customers saw an additional 20% on their bills. Hsu said the second approach met with more resistance, in part because staff were uncomfortable explaining the unfamiliar model to customers. Even when the money was ultimately going toward the same purpose, how it appeared on the bill mattered.

“One good thing Covid did is make everyone more aware of how difficult working in restaurants is,” Hsu told Hennessy. “You can’t work remotely if you’re cooking or serving food. Because so many restaurants rely on face-to-face interaction to put forth their product, a lot of our customers were like, ‘they’re working during a pandemic. We’re going out as entertainment, they’re working to survive.’ Everyone’s awareness and empathy increased.”

Still, he wasn’t under any illusions about the difficulty of changing the system.

“Of course, there’s still a lot of pushback. Not everyone that comes in likes it,” he acknowledged.

“But it’s gotta start somewhere. Danny Meyer tried implementing it in his restaurants [Union Square Hospitality Group] in New York in 2015, but it didn’t work. I think we’re decades away from truly seeing a different model. It is happening; we just have to do a little at a time and keep chipping away.”

And perhaps that’s what makes the online backlash against tipping more interesting than its angriest manifestations suggest. Consider r/EndTipping, a Reddit community whose name sounds like a call to arms against the gratuity line. Its stated mission, however, is to advocate for a system in which workers aren’t dependent on tips, with labor costs folded into the prices customers see upfront. Members disagree about how to get there — including whether refusing to tip under the current system advances that goal or simply punishes workers — but the distinction matters.

Perhaps the more productive conversation isn’t about whether Americans should tip more or less, but about how we build a hospitality industry in which workers are fairly compensated and diners understand what they’re paying for. That will require experimentation, transparency and a willingness to accept that the true cost of a restaurant meal may look a little different than we’re accustomed to.

In the meantime, refusing to tip your server isn’t going to dismantle the system. It’s just going to leave your server with less money.

But the next time a touchscreen asks you to leave a gratuity on a piece of onyx? Feel free to decline. I suspect the universe will understand.

 

The post Americans hate tipping. So why haven’t they stopped? appeared first on Salon.com.

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France: The sickest man of Europe

France: The sickest man of Europe

The European Union’s second-biggest economy is being dragged into a vicious cycle of fiscal and social crises.

By GIORGIO LEALI
and CLEA CAULCUTT in Paris

Photo-llustration by Arnau Busquets Guàrdia/POLITICO

France has become the new sick man of Europe just in time for its next presidential election.

After two weekends that saw hundreds of thousands of protesters hit the streets demanding the government increase teacher salaries, fix run-down schools and help subsidize the rapidly rising cost of living, the European Union’s second-biggest economy is being dragged into a vicious cycle of twin fiscal and social crises that are fueling each other.

“France is on the brink of a financial crisis,” former Prime Minister Michel Barnier told POLITICO. “We need to send a signal to the markets.”

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Authorities were able to prevent the type of rioting and looting this past weekend that marked the first round of demonstrations Oct. 17-18, but financial markets are spooked. Even before the demonstrations began, investors were dumping French debt or demanding historically high returns because of the government’s failure to significantly cut a stubbornly high budget deficit, bring down €3.5 trillion of debt, jumpstart growth and reform an unsustainable pension system.

The prospect of a presidential runoff next spring featuring far-right front-runner Marine Le Pen and her far-left rival Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who is in the mix for second place according to most polls, is further scaring investors. Both candidates want to spend billions to lower the retirement age.

The rioting, for now, is estimated to have cost tens of millions of euros, much of which will be covered by insurance. But the chaos is pouring fuel on an already explosive situation by sending worrying signals to investors, especially if the civil unrest continues. The Yellow Vest protests of 2018 to 2020, which came early in President Emmanuel Macron’s tenure, cost the French economy 0.1% of gross domestic product, with shops reporting losses of €2 billion.

Protesters climb the Column of July monument in Paris Oct. 8, 2026. | Kenzo Tribouillard/AFP via Getty Images

“It is clear that protests have an impact on markets,” Eric Lombard, who served as economy and finance minister last year, told POLITICO.

Given that current Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu’s proposed budget for 2027 already includes €43 billion in savings, leaving little room for more cuts, the government is faced with an impossible choice: Borrow more money and saddle the next generation with billions of euros in interest payments, or hope the protests die out on their own.

“We have a knife to our throats, and we can feel the drops of blood on our jugular,” said a government minister who was granted anonymity to discuss the current situation.

“We need to show that we’ve heard the outrage. But we have little margin for maneuver given the market situation.”

Playing with fire

Mario Monti, who faced a similar situation as Italian prime minister and managed to avert a financial crisis in 2011 with spending cuts and a pension reform, told POLITICO that “things can go very fast.”

Back then, the spread between Italian and German 10-year bonds — an indicator that measures how risky one country’s debt is compared to historically safe Germany — shot up from around 150 basis points to more than 500 within a few months, Monti recalled. The spread between French and German debt was 169 basis points when markets closed on Friday, while the yield on France’s benchmark 10-year bond hit 5.14% the previous day, the highest level since 2002.

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France has long been seen as the EU’s “spoiled child,” Monti said, taking advantage of its political and economic weight to bend or break the bloc’s fiscal rules. But few had thought a country that big and powerful would end up on the front line of a European debt crisis.

While the ability of the European Central Bank to buy government bonds on the secondary market under certain conditions gives it a powerful tool to avert a eurozone crisis, Monti says French voters must recognize that a sovereign debt crisis in their country is no longer the stuff of fiction.

“The major problem is that the public is not concerned enough with this risk,” Monti said. “France is not psychologically ready to view itself as the target of a crisis or even as the starting point of a crisis that could spread.”

That malaise isn’t just economic: Many indicators show France has lost confidence in itself.

A protest on Paris on Oct.24, 2026, bringing together former members of the yellow vests movement, labor unions, high school and university students. Sameer Al-Doumy/AFP via Getty Images

According to a poll last month, 9 out of 10 French people are pessimistic about the future and believe their children will be worse off than themselves. A pan-European study conducted earlier this year found that only half of French respondents feel pride in the democratic system, compared to two-thirds of Germans and close to 70 percent of Britons.

That pessimism has pushed voters toward more extreme candidates like Le Pen — whose economic platform has been panned by some economists as unrealistic and unserious — and Mélenchon, who wants to set French debt “on fire.” According to POLITICO’s Poll of Polls from earlier this month, Le Pen enjoys the support of 34% of voters while Mélenchon has 15% — meaning nearly 50% of the electorate intends to vote for an anti-establishment figure. Center-right candidate Edouard Philippe, arguably the best-placed mainstream figure to take on Le Pen, has tried to sell himself to voters as a candidate of fiscal discipline who is unafraid to address tough truths. But his campaign has struggled to find its footing.

Doom loop

The officials, lawmakers and diplomats POLITICO spoke with all agreed that France was not at risk of a Greece-like scenario forcing the government to stop paying officials and creditors. But it could very well experience a crisis similar to the one in Italy when Monti replaced Silvio Berlusconi in 2011.

“We are not yet a banana republic which risks filing for bankruptcy,” said veteran centrist lawmaker and budget expert Charles de Courson.

But during rioting earlier this month, in front of the shattered window of an already ransacked supermarket in Paris’ hipster 11th arrondissement, a man with no apparent connection to the shop was encouraging passers-by to go in and steal what they needed. A few meters away, the owner of a Chinese restaurant locked the door behind each client to make sure the rioters couldn’t get in.

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These are scenes one would expect in a country on the verge of a sovereign debt crisis, not a member of the G7. Watching from Brussels, Washington or New York, diplomats and economists recognize that Paris will likely fail to bring its budget deficit down to 3% of GDP by 2029 as it previously promised to the EU.

De Courson said France has “lost all credibility” with its European partners when it comes to fiscal issues. Lombard, the former economy minister, said “we failed to honor our commitments,” but held out hope that things could change.

“On behalf of the French people, we made commitments to get the finances back on track, but we didn’t keep them. I was very much in favor of honoring my commitments. But collectively, we didn’t do that,” Lombard said. “So we put ourselves in a position of weakness.”

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paris restaurants (new updates)

I’ve been featuring some new and revisited favorite restaurants in Paris, writing them up in my newsletter. You can find a list of my Favorite Restaurants in Paris on my website but here are links to the posts in my newsletter of places I’ve eaten at lately…

To get more Paris tips (and stories and recipes) sent right to your Inbox, subscribe to my newsletter here:

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