U.S. President Donald Trump has the world’s war crimes court in his crosshairs.

By sanctioning the entire International Criminal Court, his administration is threatening its ability to function. Europe has rushed to the court’s defense — but can it actually protect it from American financial power? And how far is the European Union willing to go to confront Washington when it still relies so heavily on the U.S. for its own security?

Host Sarah Wheaton is joined by European Parliament lawmaker Dirk Gotink and Atlantic Council sanctions expert Lize de Kruijf to discuss Europe’s options, its dependence on the U.S. dollar and American technology and whether the EU can stand up for international justice.

If you have any questions or comments, send us a message on our WhatsApp here or at +32 491 05 06 29.

LONDON — When Prime Minister Andy Burnham arrived a few minutes late to a meeting with regional mayors on Thursday, his Cabinet ally Angela Rayner had a name for it. She joked they were on “Andy Time.”

The rest of Britain is beginning to learn what that feels like.

Burnham entered 10 Downing Street three months ago promising a “new economic model.” However, the prime minister’s first budget next Wednesday will ask voters to wait a bit longer for it.

John Healey, Burnham’s top finance minister, is expected to announce cuts to business regulation, new steps to move power out of Whitehall and targeted cost-of-living help as energy bills surge due to the wars in Iran and Ukraine.

But while London’s banking sector is resigned to a tax rise, Healey is broadly not expected to completely overhaul tax regimes that many in Burnham’s center-left Labour Party have long seen as unfair. These include business rates, which treat high street shops more harshly than out-of-town delivery warehouses; capital gains tax, which charges less on income from assets than from work; and council tax on homes, which is based on valuations from 1991. 

Healey and his allies are already rolling out a pitch for lower-key changes to tax and spending than his predecessor, Rachel Reeves, insisting budgets are about more than their bottom-line “scorecard.” They point instead to thinning the “sludge” of business bureaucracy and helping “bloody-minded” entrepreneurs.

The reason behind this is about much more than war dragging on the British economy and keeping inflation high. Many radical reforms just aren’t ready yet. 

Next Wednesday will mark just 100 days since Burnham took office, after a whirlwind special election that ended the Greater Manchester mayor’s decade-long absence from parliament.

Burnham’s much-touted “10-year plan” to rewire Britain’s public realm is far from finished; its publication date is edging closer to Christmas. And many granular details of his plan for reform — including higher defense spending, welfare reforms and ownership of the water sector — will only come at a multi-year spending review some time in 2027. Healey is still trying to decide when that will happen.

POLITICO spoke to 22 current and former government officials, MPs and people who speak regularly to Downing Street to map out Burnham and Healey’s strategy, most of whom were granted anonymity to speak frankly. 

Several offered the view that Healey’s budget was designed to act as a stepping stone toward the 10-year plan and spending review, while not spooking the bond markets — which Burnham complained Britain was “in hock to” last year. That is despite Britain inching closer to a general election that the prime minister must call by summer 2029.

“They want it to be a non-event,” one person who speaks regularly to both 10 and 11 Downing Street said of the budget. 

Expectation management

This narrative has already left Healey’s allies bristling.

People are “accusing us of not making decisions and kicking the can down the road when actually this budget is incredibly difficult,” said one government official. This person added: “This is the first budget of this country that will have come to the House of Commons for scrutiny while the war in the Middle East is raging and an illegal invasion of Ukraine continues by Russia. The idea that this is by any means small is quite difficult to stomach.”

A second U.K. government official argued the budget would be “as ambitious as possible within the political context.” But a third government official said they believed the budget would be more “steady as she goes” than finished solutions to Britain’s problems.

Ruth Curtice, a former Treasury official who is now chief executive of the Resolution Foundation, a think tank focused on living standards, added: “In some ways it’s quite surprising to have such a small budget, given we have a new prime minister and chancellor and quite a lot has happened in the world since the last one.”

The opposition Conservative Party is preparing to seize on this “deferral budget” theme. Tory strategists are ready to paint it as a cowardly act from an administration they claim prefers sweeping vision to hard decisions. “Why act tomorrow when you can act today?” said one shadow cabinet minister. “Have some balls!”

Cameron Brown, a former Tory special adviser in the Treasury, was more sympathetic. “There’s no need to crystallize any kind of savings or cuts now,” when the spending review is looming anyway, he argued. Brown predicted a “tight and concise” but “intellectually coherent” package: “[Healey] will have some buffer at the end, a nice little cost of living package, Labour MPs will be happy, he’ll target the bad people — gamblers and banks — and he’ll push things down the road a bit.”

A Labour official voiced concern that a cautious budget could lose the goodwill Burnham has built with the public — as happened to his predecessor Keir Starmer, who promised “change” in his 2024 manifesto.

And Reeves’ former Political Secretary Matt Pound urged “caution” on deferring too many decisions to the 2027 spending review. “The truth is that they could end up putting a monumental amount of pressure on that spending review,” he told POLITICO’s Westminster Insider podcast in an interview released Friday. “There are already a lot of pressures they will need to fund.”

Hard to get

“Energy” will be the key thread linking Healey’s messages for the budget, a fourth U.K. government official said — from “breathing space” help with bills to building a more resilient infrastructure network. 

There will also be a “fiscal devolution roadmap” on budget day, setting out terms of how regional mayors can get more power and money and drawn up partly by Burnham’s new Manchester outpost, No. 10 North. Legislation to let them impose tourist taxes will be published in the coming weeks. And officials have talked behind the scenes about procurement and boosting Britain’s heavy industries; the budget needs to find almost £5 billion to plug a hole in a defense investment plan unveiled under Starmer.

Targeted cost-of-living measures appear likely to include scrapping “standing charges” on domestic gas bills, which cost the average household just over £100 a year. Burnham said Wednesday that he had asked Healey to look at the issue — though any help could be eclipsed by a predicted £276 rise in domestic bills this January.

The other message will be that the Treasury can do big, consequential things without raising taxes. Healey will make “a political argument that actually there are other types of budgets that you can have,” said the first government official quoted above, “busting through some of that sludge and ripping up a lot of that red tape.” Cash-strapped chancellors have reached for regulatory reform before, with mixed success.

MPs are looking closely at cost-of-living support. One backbencher in an affluent seat said any help had to be significant, because even their well-off constituents were struggling to take the holidays they wanted. Defense, by contrast, barely comes up on the doorstep: “There are hardly any votes in it, but it’s just something we have to do.”

There has been heavy engagement with Labour MPs, whose detachment from No. 10 helped force Starmer out in July. Treasury ministers Torsten Bell and James Murray are among those engaging while Chief Secretary to the Treasury Emma Reynolds handles tricky negotiations with Cabinet ministers, alongside No. 10 chief of staff James Purnell.

Healey has negotiated with Cabinet ministers and spoken to union leaders, banks and MPs — though not lobbyists. “No one can get to Healey,” said one. “It’s very smart. Let him do his job.”

Markets will look at the “headroom” — a snapshot of the buffer between Healey’s five-year plans and his self-imposed fiscal rules. The fourth official quoted above said Treasury officials have considered having only a small “headroom” buffer compared to the £21.7 billion left by Reeves, as it could be increased in future years. 

Reeves’ former political secretary, Pound, warned against this, telling Westminster Insider: “If the headroom is so low that it’s clear that they can’t clear the defense investment plan, for example, or the wider defense pressures, then I think that that could then start to have a bit of a knock-on effect that would be quite negative.”

However, headroom is merely a snapshot, often out of date by the time it is published. It is likely to be buffeted further by any events in the Middle East arising from the U.S. midterm results on Nov. 3.

And as with all budget briefings, some opposition politicians believe there is an element of expectation management. Conservatives suspect that headroom will come out higher than predicted — which Healey can paint as a victory.

Time is ticking

Then it’ll all be over — and Westminster will immediately start preparing for the next step.

A date was never confirmed for Burnham’s 10-year plan (beyond the latter part of 2026), but some officials believe it has already slipped slightly from the original intention. 

Downing Street and Cabinet Office officials remain determined to publish it in December, though some in Whitehall worry it might be delayed. “Knowing the things on the horizon and how big they are, I genuinely don’t see how you could make space for it,” said one official in another department.

While some Cabinet Office civil servants were first tasked to work on the plan in August, others only joined the team this month as it has grown, according to one person with knowledge of the staffing. Burnham’s ally Louise Haigh, the first secretary of state, is leading three “task forces” ahead of the plan on the cost of living, public control of utilities and the renewal of run-down high streets.

The 10-year plan won’t have all the answers, though. POLITICO reported this week that while it will contain a high-level vision, priorities and principles for the water industry’s future, much of the granular detail of how future ownership models will work is expected in the 2027 spending review. 

One Labour figure who has spoken to the government about the water industry said they believed ministers will choose “different horses for different courses” — an array of ownership models for various firms depending on how stricken they are. A second Labour figure talking to the government said: “You can’t do this in two years.”

The Labour official quoted earlier in this story said they feared the 10-year plan would be a let-down. “These big plans governments are always throwing forward to have a habit of turning out quite thin,” this person said. “At which point we all realize there was never a big plan all along.”

There are other plans to come, including an imminent plan to reform the welfare system by the former Labour Cabinet minister Alan Milburn, and a white paper in December that is due to set out a timetable, legislation and borders for plans to move more power outside Whitehall.

Devolution is one area where Burnham has moved quickly, pleasing many regional mayors. But some officials in the union movement fear that Burnham’s initial focus on devolution risks taking up bandwidth that could have been spent on other issues. A fifth government official added that they were worried all the conversations between different public bodies could crowd out the push for growth. They said: “I sit on Teams calls that are 30 people, all from different arms of the state. Sometimes I think — ‘You do know none of us are making this money?’”

‘Rubber hits the road’

Then there is the 2027 spending review. 

It will set out how the state allocates money across its arms for the next three to five years — turning these plans and the difficult trade-offs they require into reality.

The Treasury has previously confirmed it will set out the entire pathway to lift U.K. defense spending from 2.6% of GDP this year to 3.5% by 2035. It is also likely to address questions about Burnham’s pledge to create a state-funded national service for social care, funded by reducing the rise in the state pension.

There will be months of to-and-fro between Whitehall departments and a Treasury looking for cuts, efficiency savings or both to balance the books.

“The spending review is when the rubber hits the road,” said the fifth government official quoted above. “It’s already beginning. Departments are beginning to work out sacrificial lambs to offer up.”

Three people with knowledge of the conversations said Healey still hasn’t decided when in 2027 he wants to hold the spending review, though it is broadly expected no earlier than the summer. He has been privately musing with allies about the options.

Curtice said Healey’s options are essentially to hold a small fiscal event followed by a spending review next summer, or to hold a spending review with an annual budget simultaneously in fall 2027.

She added: “The big question we’ve posed for this budget — that we’re not necessarily expecting an answer to — is what is the spending total for the spending review that we know needs to come next year? Until we know the answer to that question, we don’t really know whether we can believe the path of tax and borrowing that is set out in the budget.”

Senior Conservatives argue the spending review will be so difficult that Burnham could call a snap election before it is due. He has insisted he will only force it in 2029.

Until then, much of the spending review work will fall to Reynolds. Her predecessor Darren Jones argued the existence of the 10-year plan and spending review meant it would be sensible for next week’s budget to be a little low-octane.

“The prime minister’s been clear that the 10-year plan is going to be the political strategy for the government,” Jones told POLITICO. “So I think it makes sense to do all of your public spending decisions after the publication of the 10-year plan. It would be odd if this October’s budget tried to deal with all the big trade-offs on defense, mayoral budgets, or more ownership of public utilities.

“So I think in many ways, actually the 10-year plan is more interesting this autumn in terms of the political strategy of the government. 

“And then 2027 will be the year in which ministers will have to start thinking about how to implement that strategy operationally, including in public spending decisions.”

Much of that will fall to Burnham himself.

Crowdsourcing

Rayner’s joke about “Andy Time” was not without cause.

Unlike Starmer, Burnham gets into the weeds of an issue even if it derails his schedule. The prime minister chews things over with colleagues so much that some have joked they could just remove his Downing Street desk, said the third government official quoted above. By contrast, Starmer used to retreat to No. 10’s first-floor study to read away from the hubbub.

Burnham’s approach can lead to Downing Street making decisions late in the day. One former No. 10 official said: “A Prime Minister needs to do 80 things in a day and if that goes to 60, then you end up massively behind.”

The flipside is that ministers and officials know what their leader actually wants from them — even if they are left to work out the detail.

“It’s like we’ve woken up from a political coma,” one backbench MP enthused. “I know what the prime minister thinks,” added the third government official quoted above.

Aides used to complain that Starmer, by contrast, tried to be efficient but would end meetings without setting a clear political direction. “Keir was always a stickler for time, even if the issue wasn’t resolved,” as one former colleague put it.

Kemi Badenoch, the Conservative leader, suggested this week that Burnham was failing to flesh out the detail behind his vision. “Talking about it is not making a decision,” she said of social care reform at prime minister’s questions. Burnham was visibly frustrated—insisting he was making the long-term decisions other politicians duck.

And for the prime minister’s allies and most of his MPs, the vibes remain good. The No. 10 environment is more relaxed and open. Junior ministers, in meetings over bacon sandwiches, feel they can share their views and be heard.

“There’s definitely still a buzz,” said the person who talks regularly to Downing Street, who was quoted earlier in this story. “But you don’t want to spend too much time buzzing while Rome burns. There’s a reality check that I feel is going to come imminently.”

Patrick Baker, Sascha O’Sullivan, Esther Webber and Emilio Casalicchio contributed reporting.

The EU’s top diplomat Kaja Kallas said Tuesday that Brussels would use the next months “to open dialogue” on how to counter U.S. sanctions against the International Criminal Court — resisting calls from lawmakers to take quicker action.

Nearly 60 MEPs from across the political spectrum urged the Commission to intervene swiftly after the White House announced sweeping sanctions against the Hague-based court earlier this month. They want the Commission to activate a legislative shield known as the blocking statute, which would prevent EU firms from complying with U.S. sanctions.

“We should keep all options on the table. If we use the blocking statute, we have one shot and we should do it well. So, it should be well prepared,” Kallas said, calling on firms not to overcomply with sanctions.

Multiple lawmakers continued to push for a faster response in a plenary session in Strasbourg. But while Kallas acknowledged their calls, she said the EU executive would take time “to analyze the full legal implications, to open dialogue and look for solutions.” The sanctions are expected to be implemented after a 180-day delay starting from Oct. 9.

U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration had already targeted nine judges and the chief prosecutor of the Court, cutting them off from all U.S. service providers, including banking services.

Irish European Affairs Minister Thomas Byrne, who represents Dublin’s presidency of the Council of the EU, told lawmakers that the sanctions delay provides “an opportunity for dialogue, which we should take advantage of while remaining ready to take all necessary measures,” as laid out by EU leaders in a statement issued after their gathering last week.

Washington is openly campaigning to dismantle the ICC “brick by brick,” and urging countries to quit the court’s founding charter. Kallas said that “decisions by Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad and Venezuela to reject or even withdraw from the ICC risk eroding the foundations of global justice.”

“The ICC is under attack at precisely the moment when we need it the most,” Kallas said, citing the Court’s investigations of Russian war crimes in Ukraine. The EU will continue to engage with partners to strengthen the court, she said, warning countries under pressure from the U.S. to leave the body: “This also has clear consequences for their relationship with the European Union.”

“The European Union has practical means to do more,” Kallas said, adding that she would be in the Hague this week.

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LONDON — British Prime Minister Andy Burnham confirmed Friday he will legislate to ease restrictive non-compete clause rules for workers — but stopped short of committing to a ban.

​Burnham said in a speech in Manchester that he wants to “make sure that non-compete clauses will no longer be a barrier to hiring for our most promising start-ups and scaling firms” — but did has yet to set out the extent of the crackdown.

​The scope of the new rules will come later, ahead of legislation. POLITICO first reported the planned crackdown Thursday.

​The government’s action would be the “Bosman ruling for the innovation sector,” Burnham said at a government-backed innovation summit in Manchester. That’s a reference to a 1995 European Court of Justice decision that changed how star players are transferred between football clubs.

​Potential changes to non-compete clauses in workers’ contracts began in 2025 under Burnham’s predecessor Keir Starmer. The proposals ranged from a total ban on non-compete clauses to a partial ban, such as allowing non-compete clauses only for workers earning more than a set salary threshold, or limiting their length.

​The vow from Burnham comes after intense lobbying lobbying for and against the restrictions in workers’ contracts. U.K. tech start-ups claim the curbs are undermining economic growth, while City firms and trade bodies, including TheCityUK and the Managed Funds Association, are against any changes.

LUXEMBOURG — EU finance ministers struck a compromise to beef up the bloc’s markets watchdog Friday, but the deal exposed divisions over national control and exemptions that critics say favor the biggest member countries.

Most finance ministers backed the Council’s position on MISP, a package of bills to integrate and police financial markets. At its heart is a plan to give the EU’s securities regulator powers to oversee major financial players — a flagship bid to make Europe a stronger investment hub, where European companies can seek investors without traveling to Wall Street.

But capitals stopped short of handing the future watchdog too much autonomy, triggering a hard rebuke from the European Commission.

“We deeply regret that the compromise now on the table falls significantly short of the level of ambition needed,” Finance Commissioner Maria Luís Albuquerque told ministers during Friday’s public Ecofin debate in Luxembourg. “We need [the European Securities and Markets Authority] to become an effective supervisor. The current compromise text would not allow for that.”

France spearheaded a last-minute push over dinner Thursday to strengthen the watchdog’s executive powers. Paris took issue with a rule that would allow nine national supervisors to force the watchdog’s executive board to submit draft decisions for further scrutiny before they’re adopted. The Irish EU presidency tweaked the rule overnight to limit national supervisors’ ability to delay decisions and preserve the watchdog’s power to act in emergencies, according to a compromise document obtained by POLITICO.

That was enough for France and most other countries. But not for the Commission, nor European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde, who was equally critical of the Council compromise. Beyond the governance concerns, Albuquerque took aim at supervisory carve-outs that the Irish introduced to accommodate Germany’s push to exclude its stock exchange, Deutsche Börse, from EU oversight.

The carve-out club

The carve-out shields stock exchanges from direct EU supervision unless they meet certain thresholds for trading activity and cross-border reach. Spain’s stock exchange, Bolsas y Mercados Españoles, would also benefit from the carve-outs, triggering criticism from smaller EU countries that accused the waiver of granting the bloc’s largest nations preferential treatment.

Belgium was particularly critical because its Brussels-based securities depository Euroclear is expected to come under direct EU oversight and face supervisory fees, while some major stock exchanges could remain under national oversight. Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever will take the issue to EU leaders at the end of next week.

“We cannot support the carve-outs. The package includes as many ins as there are outs,” Belgian Finance Minister Jan Jambon said during Friday’s public debate. “I think Germany has won in certain cases.”

As a peace offering, Berlin backed a review clause that would allow the Commission to revisit the carve-outs two years after the supervisory rules start applying. Any changes would require new legislation, however.

“The carve-out is temporary,” Dutch Finance Minister Eelco Heinen, who backed the deal, told journalists Thursday. “If that exchange were to grow, it would also fall under [EU supervision]. This is also intended to ensure that Dutch companies or pan-European companies such as Euronext are not put at a disadvantage.”

Friday’s deal puts pressure on MEPs to agree Parliament’s position so negotiations on a final text can begin. The Commission hopes future legislative negotiations will provide a second chance to improve the text, which also threatens to increase pressure on the EU budget.

Under the compromise, the EU budget would shoulder 60% of the cost of ESMA’s activities not covered by industry fees, with national supervisors paying the remaining 40%.

“The Commission cannot accept a significant increase in the EU budget contribution in light of the difficult discussion at [the Multiannual Financial Framework],” Albuquerque said amid a bitter budget battle that threatens to shave hundreds of billions of euros off the proposed €2 trillion cash pot. “I sincerely hope that the European Parliament will be more ambitious.”

BRUSSELS — Germany’s push to exempt a national champion from future EU oversight could imperil a ministerial deal to integrate the bloc’s financial markets and compete with Wall Street.

Over the coming days, finance ministers will discuss the most contentious parts of their countries’ positions on Brussels’ “market integration and supervision package” of bills, or MISP. They’ll begin with a dinner on Thursday in Luxembourg, as the Council moves toward its official negotiating position.

The hope is that ministers will then sign off on the compromise deal, brokered by Ireland in its role as leader of the EU’s rotating presidency, at the ministerial Ecofin gathering on Friday. This would be a major step forward for the EU’s 10-year bid to create a U.S.-style capital market.

But a push by Germany to exclude one of Europe’s biggest stock exchanges from central EU oversight could turn dinner into a food fight.

This exemption remains in the current compromise position among EU capitals after Berlin refused to give up local supervision of its stock exchange behemoth Deutsche Börse over fears of job losses and ceding power to a bloc-wide entity, despite central supervision being one of the key tenets of the MISP package.

It’s sparked protests from smaller countries, which feel the compromise would disproportionately benefit their larger neighbors — and could scupper the entire deal.

The carveout is “polluting the whole debate” by giving a “huge gift to Germany” while other countries receive nothing in return for their support, one diplomat said.

Another went further. “No deal is better than a bad deal,” a senior EU official said ahead of Friday’s meeting.

One market

Securing a deal on MISP this year is central to the “One Europe, One Market” plan that the EU’s three political leaders in Brussels agreed to in April. EU governments have invested significant political capital into MISP in a bid to turn the bloc into an investment hub where innovative companies can find investors without having to leave for deeper pockets on Wall Street.

Getting sign-off from the EU’s 27 governments would be a major coup for Dublin, which is chairing legislative negotiations in Brussels until the end of the year.

However, six diplomats close to the negotiations gave contrasting views on whether a deal would be possible this week. According to one, anywhere from eight to 17 countries could band together to block an agreement.

The diplomats did concede that the countries opposing the carveout are not unified in their position, however, as they all want different things from a potential deal. But the Deutsche Börse issue remains the most contentious.

After the German government made it clear it would not support a deal on the package unless Deutsche Boerse was carved out, the EU’s six biggest economies came up with a plan over the summer to exempt the exchange from EU-wide supervision by the new “supercop” European Securities and Markets Authority.

The German state of Hesse, Deutsche Boerse’s current supervisor, has consistently opposed giving up the role, fearing job losses and waning influence if the exchange giant is instead overseen by ESMA. The carveout, based on trading thresholds and geographical footprint, would also benefit Spain’s main stock exchange and another German trading platform, Tradegate.

In practice, scoping out the German giant would hollow out the ambition of the MISP plan. Moving to a central supervision model for the EU’s biggest exchanges and other financial plumbing firms like clearinghouses and central securities-depositories has been the thorniest political issue throughout negotiations.

Although ESMA would still oversee large firms such as the stock exchange group Euronext and Nasdaq’s European arm, the watchdog would have fewer staff and less funding, and ultimately be less powerful if it were not responsible for supervising Deutsche BBörse 

The Belgian government in particular isn’t taking the plan lying down. According to two diplomats close to the talks, Belgium’s prime minister, Bart De Wever, could raise the subject at the European Council later this month if a majority of ministers push the carveout through.

Central to the Belgians’ frustration is the fact that their finance giant, the securities-depository group Euroclear, will move to ESMA supervision, while Belgium was shut out of talks among the “E6” supergroup of the bloc’s largest economies, according to multiple diplomats involved in the group’s formation.

If big countries won’t give up the Deutsche Börse carve-out, small countries could win changes to ESMA’s governance structure in exchange for supporting a deal, according to three of the diplomats. They want national finance watchdogs to have more influence in ESMA’s decision-making, while some also want changes to the authority’s funding structure. Large countries want ESMA to be overseen by an independent, powerful executive board akin to the European Central Bank’s. 

“It’s MESS, not MISP,” one diplomat quipped to POLITICO. 

Giovanna Faggionato contributed reporting.