When Donald Trump returned to the White House in 2025, he seemed like the leader, or at least the dominant figure, of a globalized version of the MAGA movement, a worldwide network of far-right parties sometimes described as the “nationalist international.” We can make a long list, starting with Nigel Farage’s Reform UK, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally in France, the not-quite-neo-Nazi Alternative for Germany, or AfD, and Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy, along with other previously-fringe parties now creeping toward the mainstream in many different places. 

If it strikes you that the term “nationalist international” contains its own contradiction, by the way, you’re miles ahead of JD Vance and Stephen Miller and the rest of the Trumpian pseudo-intellectuals, who still haven’t figured that out.  

That vision of a MAGA-centric new world order was always an illusion, although it began with some fragments of plausibility and was enormously amplified by the Trump distortion effect, meaning our president’s uncanny ability to soak up media attention and make himself the main character of every narrative. Now that illusion has melted away like an ice cube in Europe’s catastrophic summer (where I personally experienced a 104℉/40℃ day in Berlin, the highest recorded temperature in that city’s history). 

Indeed, the world now faces another apparent contradiction, or at least a historical irony. If Trump still looms over the American landscape like an unkillable ogre in a third-rate AI fairytale, he is all but finished as a political force. He has done more damage to his own country than anyone since Jefferson Davis, his disillusioned supporters are deserting him, he is universally despised around the world and he’s headed for a potentially historic electoral defeat in November. 

Europe’s far right, on the other hand, is doing fine without him. It’s about a 50/50 proposition that by the end of this decade the four largest nations in Europe will be governed by right-wing populist parties. All of them at some time sought inspiration and financial support from Trump and his Mar-a-Lago hangers-on, and pretty nearly all of them have now ghosted him entirely, and pretend they never really knew the guy: “Neues Handy, wer bist du?”

Trump’s second term began with a triumphal sense that a hard-right “vibe shift” was transforming not just America but the world (which Americans are always ready to perceive as a picturesque but unreliable subsidiary). Those early months of 2025 were undeniably terrifying and inordinately destructive, but they were also ridiculous. In retrospect, from half a tick into the future, those guys were immeasurably high on their own supply, based on a narrow electoral victory over incompetent and disorganized opposition.  

As part of that extended touchdown dance, Vance, Marco Rubio, Elon Musk and others were dispatched to various world capitals to urge support for right-wing causes and candidates, or to deliver preposterous blood-and-soil history lessons straight out of wingnut “Great Books” podcasts. That tendency culminated in the now-legendary 2025 National Security Strategy, a document that offers most presidential administrations a chance to deliver boilerplate language about shared values, human rights and democracy. 

Not this time. As I wrote last year, the NSS featured a poisonous combination of “Great Replacement-fueled fanboy enthusiasm for far-right parties” and “unhinged and unconcealed racist panic.” Europe was losing its cultural identity, the document warned, and faced the “stark prospect of civilizational erasure” as well as the (entirely imaginary) possibility that “certain NATO members will become majority non-European.” 

That was one of many vainglorious MAGA failures to read the room, on an international scale. Right-wing European politicians traffic in similar rhetoric, to be sure. But nobody on that continent, of any dispensation, enjoys receiving arrogant lectures on history and civilization from Americans, and even extremist parties like Reform UK or the AfD prefer to cloak the bigotry in layers of euphemisms and some degree of plausible deniability. 

In a long and painful video interview with Economist editor Zanny Minton Beddoes published this past week, for instance, AfD co-leader Alice Weidel professed horror and amazement when asked whether her party contains overtly racist or proto-fascist elements. As Weidel took pains to point out, she is married to a Swiss woman of Sri Lankan ancestry, which presumably cleanses her of any bad intentions when she rejects “gender theory” or insists that all the Syrians and Afghans now living in Germany must leave. 

That interview is an instructive experience in other ways. Beddoes repeatedly asks Weidel why she can’t just be a normal budget-cutting conservative, of a variety less frightening to readers of The Economist. Oh, but she absolutely is, Weidel insists, lulling her interlocutor for a while with prodigiously dull business-school chatter before returning to her central theme: Germany’s financial woes will be cured, somehow, by expelling the Muslims.

To return to our main theme, Weidel mentions Trump only twice, with evident distaste, in that hour-long conversation. That’s not exactly news at this point. By the time the above-mentioned NSS was published last December, Europe’s far-right populists had already reached the conclusion that Trump was a loser. Or, in the more delicate phrasing of Armida van Rij in the newsletter Strategic Europe, that “Trump’s repeated threats to invade Greenland, his attacks on the pope and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and his trade war on the EU have made the friendship electorally costly.”

That became obvious to the entire world last April, when MAGA darling Viktor Orbán was routed in Hungary’s election after JD Vance’s campaign visit provided the “political kiss of death,” in the words of Daniel Hegedüs of the Institute for European Policy in Berlin. That was the same month, as it happens, when Meloni publicly broke with Trump over the latter’s criticisms of Pope Leo XIV.

But Marc Bassets of the Spanish newspaper El País identifies the real turning point a full year earlier, in the Canadian elections of April 2025, when Trump’s threats and mockery drove mainstream liberal Mark Carney to an unexpected victory over a MAGA-friendly opponent who seemed to hold the advantage.

That result, coming just three months into Trump’s term, “became an example closely watched in Europe,” Bassets writes, which was replayed in several subsequent elections. Then came Trump’s threatened annexation of Greenland, his raid on Venezuela and his disastrous war with Iran, all of which were blatant violations of national sovereignty, the core principle of Europe’s new right. 

Like Trump’s capricious tariff war and his public feuds with Meloni and the pope, this reflected the president’s profound ignorance about the world and a fundamental mismatch between the grandiose neo-imperialism of MAGA foreign policy and a European far right that “increasingly presents itself as a rebellion against Americanization” and wants no part of world maps plastered with the Stars and Stripes or arbitrarily renamed bodies of water. 

That quotation comes from Robert Benson of the centrist think tank Center for American Progress, who argues that the Trump administration “has mistaken cultural affinity for strategic alignment” in empowering political parties like the AfD that may “share mutual enemies” with MAGA — such as multiculturalism, racial justice, LGBTQ rights and climate policy — but “do not share American interests, or even the interests of this administration.”

As Europe’s far-right leaders draw closer to holding power (or already do, as in Meloni’s case), Trump’s support “appears almost as a liability,” as Dominique Moïsi of the Paris think tank Institut Montaigne tells El País. Trump has long been massively unpopular among European voters across the political spectrum, and his approval ratings cratered to new lows after the Iran war drove energy prices into the stratosphere. Across Europe, the U.S. is now viewed less favorably than either Russia or China, a remarkable accomplishment whose long-term effects are impossible to calculate.

In France, Marine Le Pen is focused on winning next year’s presidential election and has conspicuously avoided saying Trump’s name throughout his second term. She leaves that to her deputy and potential future prime minister, Jordan Bardella, who has repeatedly castigated Trump’s “totally erratic” war with Iran: “No one can say what the ideological backbone of this war is, a war whose end seems nowhere in sight.”

Meloni recently became the longest-serving Italian prime minister since World War II — an extraordinary fact in itself — and over her four years in office has gone from “Trump whisperer” to the evident conclusion that Trump is a “toxic asset,” in Bassets’ phrase. (The “Trump whisperer” label has also been affixed to former British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and current German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, with dire political consequences.)

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Even the AfD, despite its aforementioned “cultural affinity” with MAGA and a mutual eagerness to throw Ukraine overboard and make nice with Vladimir Putin, has evidently concluded that glowing endorsements from the likes of Musk, Vance and Rubio are a mixed blessing when the U.S. “has become so unpopular in Europe that being close to Trump is not a source of legitimacy,” in Moïsi’s words. Weidel has reportedly described the Iran war as a “catastrophe” in private meetings, while Björn Höcke, the most inflammatory figure on the AfD’s right flank, has mocked mainstream politicians as “German-speaking Americans” and demanded the withdrawal of U.S. troops from German soil.

All of this points us toward the inescapable conclusion that Donald Trump was never the leader of anything. He was an empty vessel into which hundreds of millions of people in America and around the world poured their confusion, rage and desire. He became a global symbol of the failure of liberal democracy, but was not the reason for it. As he fades from the scene, the global crisis he came to represent is more urgent than ever. 

As Italian journalist Mattia Ferraresi recently observed in a New York Times panel discussion, “Mainstream liberal politics, in both its left- and right-wing versions, failed to deliver on its promises, not only in terms of welfare and economic growth but also in the more complex realm of identity and meaning.” What we see around the world today, in the ascendant far right and in a newly radicalized generation of young people from Paris to New York, are “expressions of the same disillusionment with liberalism and its policies.”

It has become almost irresistible to compare this era to the 1930s, when “bourgeois democracy” collapsed in Europe, plunging the world into murderous darkness. If the parallels are clear enough, the world is a very different place in this century and the outcome does not have to be the same. The future remains unwritten, and Donald Trump will not be its author. 

The post Even Europe’s far right is ready to dump Trump appeared first on Salon.com.

The cyberattack last week that hit hundreds of French supermarket refrigerators had Europeans wondering if the nonstop warnings about AI risks had finally landed in the real world.

They hadn’t — at least, not yet.

Experts say the attack, which forced hundreds of retailers to throw away defrosted food and spoiled milk, was mostly a reminder of the importance of old-school cybersecurity in safeguarding essential goods and services.

The attack is a “typical example” of how “low-key cyber-enabled sabotage can affect very crucial supply for society,” said Ferdinand Gehringer, hybrid threats lead at FTI Consulting. 

It’s arguably the most consequential hack in the European Union this year, with tangible, disruptive real-world repercussions. France’s Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu personally managed the fallout, which prompted coordination and information-sharing at the EU level. 

The perpetrators, whose identity and motives are currently unknown, hacked into digital systems to remotely raise the temperature of refrigerators in supermarkets including Intermarché and Carrefour.

One cybersecurity expert working with Lecornu’s office said the French government held meetings after the attack to try to map all the potentially affected sectors, beyond supermarkets. “We’re in the middle of the flu vaccination campaign,” he said, referring to vaccine storage, which also relies on temperature control solutions, though no such attacks have been registered.

To add to the fear and confusion, supermarkets in the Netherlands and Belgium experienced unrelated cyber incidents that same week. Though there was limited impact in those cases, they were a good example of “how big our reliance is in the food supply chain on IT and network systems,” Dutch food security minister Silvio Erkens told POLITICO. 

The attacks come after citizens and policymakers have spent months being bombarded with warnings about scenarios in which unpredictable advanced artificial intelligence models escape human control.

While most good and bad actors on the internet are increasingly using AI models to increase speed and capacity, cyber experts say the hackers in question in the French case most likely used traditional methods to take advantage of devices needlessly exposed to the internet.

Connecting devices to the internet in this way is “an old-fashioned bad practice,” said Amir Preminger, chief technology officer at Claroty, a cybersecurity company that identified a software flaw in a product made by Danfoss, one of the refrigeration companies targeted by the French hacks. Danfoss fixed that flaw in 2025. 

Food systems

The attacks come at a time when Europe’s food security is already under considerable pressure due to geopolitical insecurity and climate change. The continuing disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz are pushing up fuel and fertilizer prices at a time where farmers struggle with the fallout of extreme drought that caused lower yields in many parts of Europe. These problems are compounded by the blockade of the Black Sea which is fueling the rise of global food prices.

“It is very serious that cyber criminals attack our food systems,” said Else Groen, director general of trade body Independent Retail Europe. She nonetheless stressed that food supply chains are resilient, which reduces the chances that consumer food supply would be endangered — even if such attacks are already a “major blow” for retailers operating on razor-thin margins.

The incidents bring to the fore a long-running problem with so-called operational technology, meaning industrial devices with physical outputs, like refrigeration systems. Critical sectors are packed with these kinds of devices, many of which are old, poorly protected, unnecessarily connected to the Internet, or some combination of the three. They’re also obscure and sometimes forgotten, despite the ramifications if they’re tampered with.  

And last week’s problems are far from solved. French and German cyber authorities warned that attacks were probably still ongoing, and the Greek cyber agency and an industry tracker said after the attack that there were hundreds of devices still connected to the internet.

Preminger too said there are still devices exposed, though he added that the number is declining, and not all are necessarily vulnerable to attack. Another research group found that the number of exposed Danfoss devices had significantly decreased.

Finding a fix

What’s changed with the widespread diffusion of advanced AI models is that cyber attacks are now faster and easier to replicate. Claroty reproduced the original flaws in Danfoss products in 28 minutes at a cost of $6, it said. 

In broad terms, AI makes it easier to carry out many types of cyberattacks and enables attackers to pounce on software flaws more quickly. Financially motivated cybercriminals — who have already spent years extorting businesses and disrupting essential services like hospitals — can use AI to simultaneously launch attacks on multiple targets.

Though the motive for the attacks on French supermarkets remains unknown, it is notable that there was no reported attempt at extortion. The strike did come as Russia ramps up its campaign of hybrid warfare against Europe, and senior EU and European leaders have consistently warned that Moscow could use cyberattacks to disrupt real-world services. Beyond food supplies, AI-enhanced targeting could be aimed at banking, hospitals and the functioning of the internet itself.

Still, these fears of bad human actors using AI should be distinguished from the science-fiction scenarios pushed by so-called AI doomers, in which bots themselves are motivated and able on their own to wipe out humanity.

Digital security experts, including the EU’s own in-house cyber team, are also turning to AI for defense. But it’s not a silver bullet, said Rémi Enjolras, a chief technology officer at Splunk, part of Cisco. Critical industries need to stop “seeing AI as a magical tool that will solve everything and go back to the fundamentals,” he said.

The EU has passed laws intended to force critical industries and product manufacturers to get those fundamentals right. But France, for example, is lagging in implementing such national regulations, and there are few other incentives to get companies to do that difficult and costly work.

Still, the images of empty supermarket shelves could provide a new incentive. “It should serve as a kind of a wake-up call,” Enjolras said.

Émile Marzolf contributed to this report.

PARIS — Un peu plus de deux semaines après le Playbook Paris Live, où Gabriel Attal, Marine Le Pen et Jean-Luc Mélenchon étaient reçus, trois autres candidats à la présidentielle étaient invités à s’exprimer ce mardi sur les enjeux économiques du moment lors du Sommet sur la compétitivité économique de POLITICO.

Voitures thermiques et droits de douane

Avec l’ouverture du Salon de l’Auto, c’est l’un des sujets d’actu du jour : l’interdiction de la vente des voitures à moteur thermique dans l’Union européenne à partir de 2035 — un accord pour assouplir cette mesure est sur le point d’être conclu entre la France et l’Allemagne. Sans surprise, Edouard Philippe, Raphaël Glucksmann et Bruno Retailleau ne partagent pas le même avis sur la question.

Le candidat Horizons considère que cette décision est une erreur. “Une stratégie, ça doit s’appuyer sur une analyse précise des moyens qu’on est capable de mettre en œuvre. Et de fait, on n’a pas été capable de mettre en œuvre ce qui aurait permis de rendre cette stratégie possible, pour autant qu’elle ait été adaptée”, a-t-il estimé lors de notre sommet. L’ancien Premier ministre plaide pour une meilleure protection du marché européen via la mise en place de droits de douane élevés sur l’importation de véhicules chinois. Une question de “réciprocité”, a-t-il martelé pendant l’entretien.

Une vision rejetée quelques instants plus tard par Raphaël Glucksmann. “Je ne vois pas du tout en quoi cet objectif [de 2035] était une erreur”, a rétorqué le tout nouveau candidat du PS et de Place publique. L’eurodéputé plaide pour que les constructeurs automobiles se concentrent sur le développement de l’électrique. “C’est ça l’avenir”, a-t-il insisté, jugeant que l’Europe a “un énorme sujet de naïveté vis-à-vis de la Chine”.

Deux positions renvoyées dos à dos par Bruno Retailleau, qui a rappelé que le groupe du Parti populaire européen, dans lequel siègent les eurodéputés LR, s’était opposé à l’instauration de cette règle lorsqu’elle a été votée au Parlement européen. “Ma position, elle est très nette, elle n’a pas changé, ça fait des années que je le demande, je dénonce cet accord”, a insisté le candidat des Républicains. Il aurait préféré voir “imposer le principe de la neutralité technologique”, via un “cadre très exigeant”, mais progressif pour les constructeurs.

Sur la question des échanges commerciaux avec Pékin, le Vendéen rejoint la position d’Edouard Philippe en s’affichant en faveur de “vrais droits de douane” sur les importations chinoises. “A partir du moment où les règles ne sont pas loyales, on doit pouvoir les compenser”, a défendu Bruno Retailleau.

Energies

Autre dissonance entre les candidats : l’énergie. Pronucléaire, Edouard Philippe a insisté sur la nécessité de “défendre” et “favoriser” l’atome, tout en ajoutant que le “risque associé à [son] exploitation” est “réel”. Si, par mesure de sécurité, il fallait interrompre la production des centrales nucléaires françaises, il faudrait que d’autres technologies puissent prendre le relai et produire de l’électricité, a-t-il exposé, mentionnant les énergies renouvelables. Sinon, la France pourrait se retrouver dans une “situation qui peut-être terrible”, a-t-il prévenu. Le candidat Horizons est par ailleurs favorable à la construction de tous les réacteurs EPR2 envisagés par l’exécutif.

Du côté de Bruno Retailleau, le discours est beaucoup plus mesuré sur les renouvelables. Le candidat LR a confirmé vouloir couper leurs subventions s’il était élu, tout comme il compte abandonner la programmation pluriannuelle de l’énergie (la PPE3), définie par le gouvernement Lecornu. Prudent, Bruno Retailleau l’est aussi sur le développement des EPR2. Alors que la construction de six nouveaux réacteurs a déjà été décidée, “on verra” pour les huit autres prévus, a-t-il temporisé.

Vision de l’Europe

Face aux menaces en matière de défense, sécurité ou IA, Raphaël Glucksmann a répondu qu’il fallait “sortir de l’intergouvernemental” et que l’Union européenne devait assumer sa puissance dans le rapport de force avec la Chine ou les Etats-Unis.

“Il faut un instrument pour les financements européens. Si vous avez des financements européens, oui, vous allez voir que subitement les projets européens fonctionnent”, a-t-il plaidé. Pour le candidat PS-Place publique, la France a tout intérêt à diversifier ses alliances en ne regardant pas seulement vers l’Allemagne, mais en se tournant vers la Pologne ou les pays baltes. “La puissance française, elle se construira dans sa capacité à construire une coalition en Europe”, a-t-il martelé.

Pour Edouard Philippe, la relation franco-allemande est “absolument déterminante dans l’ensemble européen”, même s’il ne faut “pas réduire la politique européenne” uniquement à ce duo. Selon le candidat Horizons, la France aurait tout intérêt à “être plus crédible” et à “régler [ses] sujets” (comprenez : ses sujets budgétaires et le redressement des comptes publics), si elle veut retrouver du poids politique en Europe. “Nous sommes les seuls à ne pas savoir respecter des règles communes qui ont été respectées par tous les autres. Et ça, ça nous plante”, a-t-il déploré.

La question budgétaire, c’est par cet angle que Bruno Retailleau a abordé le thème de l’UE. Selon lui, la France doit “absolument” réduire sa contribution au budget de l’Union européenne, a-t-il estimé. Le candidat des Républicains a par ailleurs apporté son soutien aux Etats membres dits “frugaux”, partisans d’un budget de l’UE réduit. “Si la France ne fait pas partie de ces pays frugaux, ça veut dire qu’on a totalement perdu contact avec la réalité”, a jugé l’ancien ministre de l’Intérieur.

Mouvement lycéen

Interrogé sur son soutien au mouvement lycéen, dont c’était “l’acte V” aujourd’hui, Raphaël Glucksmann considère que son rôle n’est pas de manifester, mais “de répondre aux revendications des lycéens et de répondre à une angoisse qui est une angoisse existentielle”. Favorable à la suppression de Parcoursup, il souhaite remplacer la plateforme par “un procédé qui est transparent, mais qui ne peut pas être le retour à ce qu’on faisait avant”, car “ce n’était pas non plus fonctionnel”, a-t-il jugé, sans donner plus de précisions.

Pour Bruno Retailleau, il ne faut pas considérer que les lycéens qui expriment des revendications dans les médias “représentent tous les lycéens”. S’il reconnaît que certaines préoccupations sont “justes”, comme “sur Parcoursup ou sur une angoisse pour l’avenir”, il oppose par exemple les revendications des lycéens ruraux aux citadins. Et note que la situation est moins bouillonnante dans une grande partie du pays.

Le candidat LR a aussi critiqué la présence de la militante écologiste suédoise Greta Thunberg devant un lycée de Seine-Saint-Denis ce matin, jugeant qu’elle incarne une “écologie dévoyée” se résumant souvent à “une forme de gauchisme”.

Grégoire Lovergne a contribué à cet article.

PARIS — Après les six nouveaux réacteurs en construction déjà décidés, “on verra”, a temporisé Bruno Retailleau. “On ne peut lancer des investissements que sur la foi des besoins en électricité”, a déclaré le candidat LR, interrogé à l’occasion du sommet sur la compétivité de POLITICO.

Son programme, dévoilé en mai, ne laissait pas une telle place au doute, et le programme de relance du nucléaire gouvernemental anticipe la construction de huit réacteurs supplémentaires.

Bruno Retailleau était plus enthousiaste sur les réacteurs à neutrons rapides, dit de quatrième génération. Il faut “d’urgence” les relancer, a sommé le candidat, estimant possible qu’un tel réacteur soit construit d’ici 10 ou 15 ans.

L’arrêt du prototype Astrid était “une des décisons les funestes d’Emmanuel Macron”, a indiqué le sénateur de Vendée. La technologie est “vertueuse” car elle permet de transformer les déchets en combustibles, a-t-il ajouté.

Bruno Retailleau a assumé sa politique pro-renouvelables lorsqu’il était à la tête du département de Vendée, mais a expliqué que “la vérité d’hier n’est pas la vérité d’aujourd’hui”. Si les énergies renouvelables “devaient être encouragées” à l’époque, ce n’est plus le cas aujourd’hui, alors qu’on fait face à une abondance d’électricité.

Il a rappelé vouloir couper les subventions aux renouvelables s’il était élu, tout comme il compte abandonner la programmation énergétique. Des décisions qui n’empêche pas le candidat LR de se dépeindre en champoin de l’écologie : “Je prends tous les écologistes du monde”, a-t-il lancé micro en main.

PARIS — La France doit “absolument” réduire sa contribution au budget de l’Union européenne, a estimé Bruno Retailleau, invité du sommet sur la compétitivité de POLITICO.

Le candidat des Républicains à l’élection présidentielle a affirmé soutenir les Etats membres dits “frugaux”, partisans d’un budget de l’UE réduit. “Si la France ne fait pas partie de ces pays frugaux, ça veut dire qu’on a totalement perdu contact avec la réalité”, a estimé l’ancien ministre de l’Intérieur.

Bruno Retailleau a aussi reproché à Emmanuel Macron de chercher à faire adopter le budget de l’UE d’ici à la fin de l’année. “Un problème de forme et de démocratie”, selon lui : “comment un président de la République, qui n’a en plus pas de majorité à l’Assemblée nationale, peut-il verrouiller un projet budgétaire fondamental, qui va se dérouler au delà de son mandat ?” a interrogé le candidat, qui se dit par ailleurs toujours “pro-européen”.

Entre simplification et protectionnisme

Bruno Retailleau a aussi indiqué être “bien sûr” en faveur de “vrais droits de douanes” sur les importations chinoises, répondant à une question sur une proposition faite en ce sens par Edouard Philippe. “A partir du moment où les règles ne sont pas loyales, on doit pouvoir les compenser”, a estimé le candidat, qui reproche à la Chine de sous-évaluer sa monnaie, de subventionner son industrie et d’avoir “pillé un certain nombre de nos découvertes”.

Le président des Républicains a aussi renouvelé certaines propositions de simplification de la réglementation en faveur de l’intelligence artificielle, comme “une dérogation de trois ans au RGPD” pour favoriser le lancement de certains service d’IA.

Bruno Retailleau défend aussi une forme de pilotage par l’Etat des infrastructures numériques, et appelle à une “priorisation” dans le raccord des data centers au réseau électrique ou le stockage de données sensibles “sur des clouds souverains opérés par des entreprises qu’on connaît bien”. Il propose enfin un “plan retour” des talents français de l’IA qui travaillent à l’étranger, “avec des exemptions fiscales”, notamment.

AI detection is a difficult job, made worse for everyone by it being such a delicious ingredient in academic snake oil. But one service has clearly outperformed the others in tests: Pangram. It went beyond obvious characteristics of LLM output such as perplexity and ngram distance, training its own classifiers on large collections of human text and generative imitations. — Read the rest

The post France discovers the dubious pleasures of AI detection appeared first on Boing Boing.

Join me and my friend Jane Bertch in Paris on Sunday, June 29th, for a booksigning event from 3pm to 4:30pm at La Cuisine Paris at 78 Quai de l’Hôtel de Ville (4th).

I’ll be signing paperback copies of my books L’Appart and The Sweet Life in Paris, and Jane will be signing copies of her memoir of opening a cooking school in Paris, The French Ingredient.

Note that books are in limited supply and you are welcome to bring books you’ve purchased elsewhere. Please note that the venue is not able to take credit card payments on-site.

Stop by and say hi!

I’ve been featuring some new and revisited favorite restaurants in Paris, writing them up in my newsletter. You can find a list of my Favorite Restaurants in Paris on my website but here are links to the posts in my newsletter of places I’ve eaten at lately…

• Demain: An anti-food waste bakery in Paris
• Three Paris Restaurants (May 2024)
• Le Servan
• Favorite Paris Restaurants (April 2024)
• Chez Fernand Christine
• Paris Dining Addresses (June 2023)
• Caluche
• Favorite Ice Cream Shops in Paris (for paid subscribers)
• Olga

• L’Amis Louis (for paid subscribers)
• New and Favorite Paris Addresses (February 2023)
• Bistrot des Tournelles
• Des Terres
• Café Les Deux Gares
• The Best of Paris (April 2022)
• And if you’re gluten-free, check out The Real Emily in Paris’s Gluten-Free Guide to Paris.

To get more Paris tips (and stories and recipes) sent right to your Inbox, subscribe to my newsletter here:

You might know where to eat in France's gastronomic capital but do you know where to drink cocktails in Lyon?

The post Where to drink cocktails in Lyon appeared first on Paris • Cocktails • Bars.

When you think of Strasbourg, cocktail bars are probably not the first thing on your mind. Most people head to this lovely French city for festive Christmas markets, tasty tarte […]

The post Strasbourg Cocktail Bars appeared first on Paris • Cocktails • Bars.