SACRAMENTO, California — Nancy Pelosi said those close to Joe Biden during his reelection campaign should have shared what they knew about his mental acuity — and confirmed she had private conversations with him about her polling concerns.

“I do think that those who did know should have acted upon that information. Whoever knew,” Pelosi, the former House speaker said at POLITICO’s The California Agenda: Sacramento Summit on Tuesday. “There was staff saying the family knew. The family said the staff.”

Pelosi’s remarks, in an interview with POLITICO’s Jonathan Martin, reflect some of the most detailed reflections she’s shared publicly about the role she played in convincing Biden to not to run for another term. She has long insisted that she didn’t demand Biden drop out of the race, instead urging him to reconsider polling that showed his path against Donald Trump was fraught.

“I only said to President Biden, ‘I’ve come to question the polling that you have and how your campaign is being conducted,” Pelosi said. “Because, at that point, 72 percent of the American people didn’t think he should run.”

The former speaker said she also urged Biden, during their private meeting at the White House, to release a diagnostic test from a doctor to prove to the public that he could “serve the next term.”

“We’re Catholic, we’re prayerful, we had our rosaries and all of that,” Pelosi said. “We had a lovely meeting. It was only the two of us.”

Pelosi recalled her reaction to his disastrous performance during a televised debate with Trump in June 2024. “When you think of the debate and how sad that was, that’s really when we learned,” she said. “I didn’t know, and I think he had his sort of ups and downs.”

Pelosi, who by then was no longer speaker, said she had only seen Biden in person a few times the prior year and hadn’t witnessed his decline.

The former speaker, one of the Democratic Party’s foremost tacticians, also spoke about the upcoming midterm elections, saying she was optimistic that Democrats — who need to pick up three seats to win the House — will have a wave year.

“I’d rather see 10 times that, like 30,” Pelosi quipped. “Thirty is my goal.”

But Pelosi was reluctant to speak about the succession fight for her seat in San Francisco. Pelosi, who’s represented the city in Congress for nearly 40 years, has endorsed city Supervisor Connie Chan and is using her formidable political operation to try to sink Scott Wiener, a prominent state senator.

“I don’t want to talk against anyone,” Pelosi said. “I’m for Connie Chan because I think she will be the best. I know the Congress better than anybody, says she immodestly.”

Pelosi declined to say who she might support for president in 2028, though she said Democrats will have a strong bench. She did, however, speak glowingly about California Gov. Gavin Newsom, her longtime political ally and a likely contender.

“He’s just been remarkable,” Pelosi said. “His intellectual resources he brings to it, his strategic thinking, again his knowledge of issues is so remarkable.”

Pelosi also heaped praise on New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, another potential presidential contender. Pelosi dismissed reports about early tension between the two lawmakers after Ocasio-Cortez was first elected in 2018. Pelosi suggested that tensions were due to staff around the lawmaker — an apparent illusion to Saikat Chakrabarti, Ocasio-Cortez’s former chief of staff who unsuccessfully ran to succeed Pelosi in San Francisco’s primary election.

“I think that she has been so operational, and it’s just wonderful. Wonderful,” Pelosi said of Ocasio-Cortez. “I know it’s a joy to work with her.”

Marisa Guerra Echeverria contributed to this report.

PISA, Italy — Giorgia Meloni doesn’t want to be beaten at her own game.

With an election approaching next year and a new far-right rival emerging, the Italian prime minister — whose political origins lie in Italy’s post-fascist right — is putting aside the moderate image she has built over her four years in office and hardening her tone on migration and security.

Meloni’s government was the first in the EU to attack the Spanish government over a sudden influx of migrants from Morocco into the Spanish exclave of Ceuta last week. 

While France and other countries tightened border checks, Italy went further and announced it had suspended the EU’s free-movement Schengen agreement with Madrid. Now, in Italian airports, passengers from Spain are asked to join a different line. 

Meloni’s office has made clear it has no intention of lifting the controls until at least Aug. 15, escalating the clash with Spain, which retaliated by imposing checks on travelers from Italy.

“We will not back down one millimeter on illegal immigration,” Meloni posted on X while her allies attacked the socialist Spanish government, accusing it of failing to manage migration flows. “Defending our borders, stopping human traffickers, and ensuring effective repatriation will continue to be this government’s policy,” she added.

The clash with Spain is just the latest sign that the Italian leader is doing all she can to secure her core, hard-right electorate in the face of a challenge from the right by Roberto Vannacci, a former general and member of the European Parliament.

With an election expected as early as next spring, Vannacci’s far-right National Future party has been advancing in the polls, overtaking one of Meloni’s coalition partners, the far-right League party, and gaining on another, Forza Italia, according to POLITICO’s Poll of Polls. 

For Meloni, who began her political career in the youth wing of Italy’s post-fascist movement, the challenge strikes particularly close to home.

“There is no doubt that there is concern about containing the competition from National Future,” said Marco Tarchi, a leading right-wing political scientist. “It all boils down to a sharpening of tone. The issues — security, immigration, identity — remain the same as before.” 

During the electoral campaign that brought her to power in 2022, Meloni promised to crack down on illegal migration by putting in place a naval blockade off Italy’s coast. Though that project never ultimately happened, Meloni’s government did open detention hubs in Albania to house migrants while their asylum applications are processed. 

Vannacci, who is campaigning on security and a hard line on immigration, is calling for a more radical solution: “remigration” — a yet-to-be-detailed plan to encourage migrants to return to their countries of origin.

The crisis in Ceuta, during which tens of thousands of migrants crossed from Morocco into the Spanish exclave and nearly 100 died, provided Meloni with an opportunity to show that fighting irregular migration remains an absolute priority for her government.

Meloni’s reaction was “purely the result of domestic political calculations,” said Giorgio Gori, a member of the European Parliament from the left-wing Democratic Party. The Italian prime minister is trying to secure her electorate “by showing that she is loyal to the right-wing slogan and propaganda on migration and beyond.”

For Giovanni Orsina, director of the political science department at Rome’s Luiss Guido Carli University, Meloni’s priority at this stage is “that the Brothers of Italy [Meloni’s party] doesn’t start losing votes too” — in preparation for a potential alliance with Vannacci before or after next year’s election.

“Vannacci has been growing a lot in polls, especially over the past two months,” said Lorenzo Pregliasco from the YouTrend polling firm, noting that National Future is polling at over 7 percent. 

“Without Vannacci, the center-right could lose the upcoming election,” he said. “These seven points matter a lot.”

The Vannacci effect

Nicola Procaccini, Meloni’s lieutenant and co-chair of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, denies that Meloni is shifting on policy to protect herself from Vannacci.

“She stands where she has always stood,” he told POLITICO. “She simply isn’t the racist, xenophobic fascist she was made out to be when she first took office. And she isn’t one now, either.” 

Meloni is also facing a challenge to her support for Ukraine, with both the League and Vannacci advocating a softer line on Moscow, opposing military aid to Kyiv and arguing against an increase in defense spending. 

Though Meloni has portrayed herself as a strong backer of Ukraine, her reliance on the League for support has meant Italy has contributed just €3 billion in four years, roughly the equivalent of €1 a month for every Italian citizen, less than the cost of an espresso.

Italy has also declined to join NATO’s PURL (Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List), an arms-buying scheme set up last summer after U.S. President Donald Trump ended new military aid commitments to Kyiv.

Ukraine is where Meloni’s real difference with Vannacci lies, argued Tarchi, who teaches at the University of Florence and is considered the key figure of a movement called the New Right.

“Otherwise, the gap is artificially exaggerated in rhetoric and posturing for tactical reasons,” he said.

Meloni’s allies haven’t ruled out an alliance with Vannacci but they stress that the possibility will depend on where he stands on key values such as foreign policy.

If he seeks “to position Italy, alongside Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea, clearly, it is not possible to stand together,” said Procaccini. “If, instead, he chooses the West — the democracies, Western nations, Western liberal democracies — then we can certainly stand together.”

Abdul El-Sayed isn’t worried about Islamophobic attacks on the campaign trail. 

The progressive Democrat who just won a hotly contested primary in Michigan told reporters on Wednesday that he’s willing to take smears on the chin, saying that name-calling and bigotry is “the only play” in his opponents’ playbook.

“That’s the only play they got,” he said. “They’re going to point at me. They’re going to point at my name like, ‘Well, he’s different.’ That’s the best you got?”

The former public health director has stuck to a platform centered on affordability at home and an end to foreign entanglements. He said that Islamophobia is a cop-out because his opponents don’t want to debate substantive issues. 

“You can’t actually talk about what you want to do?” he said. “My name is not raising your gas prices. My name is not taking us to war. My name is not the reason you can’t afford groceries.”

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El-Sayed will face Former Republican Rep. Mike Rogers in the upcoming midterms. He encouraged Rogers to come up with a better line of attack than his identity, because he doesn’t think his Michigan voters will bite.

“I’ve been an Abdul in Michigan my whole life. This is the best place in the world to be Abdul,” he said. “Michiganders are big-hearted, they’re open-minded… [They’re] sick and tired of BS politics coming in to divide us.”

The post “That’s the best you got?”: El-Sayed brushes off right-wing Islamophobia after Michigan primary win appeared first on Salon.com.

The Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate in Texas is trying to turn a key talking point of his Republican opponent against him — alleging Attorney General Ken Paxton is guilty of the same type of voter fraud he has spent years trying to eliminate.

“As our state’s attorney general, Ken Paxton has gone on a voter fraud witch hunt,” state Rep. James Talarico, who is challenging Paxton in the race to replace U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, said during a campaign event in Houston. “Turns out, he was committing voter fraud the whole time, voting illegally in six elections in a row from the wrong address.”

Talarico’s comments come after ProPublica and The Texas Tribune revealed that Paxton moved out of the home he shared with his wife, state Sen. Angela Paxton, in 2024 but continued to vote using that address, including during the March Republican primary in which he beat Cornyn. Three election experts told the news organizations that Paxton may have broken state law. 

Last week, the Collin County Democratic Party filed a complaint with the Texas secretary of state, urging that office to investigate Paxton for election fraud.

Paxton has repeatedly declined to answer the newsrooms’ questions about his voter registration and residency. On Tuesday, he held a rare news conference to tout the endorsement of nearly two dozen sheriffs and attacked Talarico as soft on crime. Talarico denied the charge at his own news conference Wednesday, saying he’d voted for billions of dollars in law enforcement funding as a member of the Legislature. 

When a Dallas Morning News political writer asked Paxton why he voted in Collin County, the attorney general shook his head as a campaign aide interceded. 

“We’re just going to answer questions on law enforcement today,” the aide said.

Paxton’s office and campaign did not respond to similar questions on Thursday from ProPublica and the Tribune. They also did not answer questions about Talarico’s comments.

The fact that Paxton voted in six elections from an address at which he appears not to live may resonate with voters because it reinforces longstanding accusations by critics that he has used his office for personal gain, said Southern Methodist University political science professor Cal Jillson. That was the central theme of the Texas Legislature’s impeachment of Paxton in 2023 on charges of bribery and corruption. The state Senate voted to acquit Paxton.

“There’s been a whole series of legal challenges he’s been able to slip out of, but voters are at least vaguely aware of them,” Jillson said. The latest reporting about his voting practices “is just another example of playing fast and loose with a law you must be familiar with as attorney general,” Jillson said.

Texas law permits voters to temporarily cast ballots using an address where they do not reside, so long as they intend to return. Election lawyers told the newsrooms that it is unlikely Paxton could make such an argument given his ongoing public and acrimonious divorce. (Examples of reasons considered valid include attending an out-of-area college or serving in the military.)

It is unclear what will happen with the complaint filed against Paxton.  

State law requires the secretary to “promptly” refer complaints to the attorney general if “there is reasonable cause to suspect that criminal conduct occurred.” 

Secretary of State Jane Nelson’s last day in office was Friday, three days after the complaint was filed. Gov. Greg Abbott appointed one of his senior advisers, Robert Howden, to replace her. The office continues to decline to answer questions from reporters, but Collin County Democratic Party Vice Chair Mary Higbe said the secretary of state told her in an email Thursday that the complaint “remains under review by one of our staff attorneys.” 

The attorney general’s office has not responded to questions about whether it received the complaint or whether it would hire a special prosecutor to investigate it, given that it involves the attorney general himself.

The silence from the Republican-led state government suggests an effort to slow-walk investigating Paxton, said Jon Taylor, a political science professor at the University of Texas at San Antonio. He said that’s difficult to square with rhetoric by Paxton and the secretary of state’s office that securing Texas elections is a top priority.

“You push the idea that you’re going to be really tough on election wrongdoing, and yet here you are with allegations in which you seem to be uninterested in pursuing,” Taylor said. “That smacks of rank hypocrisy.”

This article first appeared on The Texas Tribune.

The post Ken Paxton has long crusaded against voter fraud. His Senate rival now accuses him of committing it. appeared first on Salon.com.

A few days ago I wrote about popular constitutionalism and Slate’s new podcast series on that topic. This is a critical civic topic because it is probably the only and certainly the proper path back from systemic corruption of the current Supreme Court and the broader problem of judicial supremacy. (If this is fuzzy or if it’s unclear what I’m talking about see that earlier post.) But what that Slate discussion quickly arrived at is that to have that kind of popular constitutionalism, the ability of the people to make decisions about what the U.S. Constitution requires or forbids, you need robust and functioning political parties. And one of the key features of American politics over the last 50 years is that parties really don’t exist anymore in the sense they did for upwards of a century and a half in American politics.

You’ve seen the red-and-white checkered tablecloth before, but now’d your chance to do something different. This summer, swap the standard cookout vibes for something more curated. With styled-to-a-T tabletops and menus that take their cue from around the world, these combinations prove that outdoor entertaining can be both easygoing and elevated.

Scandinavian Simplicity

Lean into easy elegance with a clean, minimalist setup. Think white linens, unfussy wildflowers, and natural wood accents that feel both grounded and elevated. Pair the look with equally refreshing dishes, like lemon-dill gravlax and a Scandinavian summer strawberry tart, that channel the cool, unfussy spirit of a Nordic summer.

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Welcome to Come On Over, a Food52 newsletter about hosting life’s big and little moments. It’s where we share our personal tips and tricks, from modern-day etiquette—shoes off or shoes on?—to making extra seating out of every surface of an apartment. This week, Kelly’s breaking the ice.

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There’s nothing I love more than introducing one group of friends to another, especially when I know they’re going to get along swimmingly. But walking into a room full of unfamiliar faces can be awkward, even in the friendliest setting. And when you’re the one bringing everyone together, it’s on you to smooth that tension. So I gathered a few go-to tricks from the Food52 team.

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Welcome to Come On Over, a Food52 newsletter about hosting life’s big and little moments. It’s where we share our personal tips and tricks, from modern-day etiquette—shoes off or shoes on?—to making extra seating out of every surface of an apartment. This week, Kelly is hosting a French fête.

This article was created in partnership with Maker's Mark.

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Just because it’s a kid’s birthday party doesn’t mean the adults can’t have fun too—and no, we’re not just talking about wine and beer in Solo cups (although that doesn’t hurt). This summer, we’re rethinking what a kid-friendly birthday bash can look like: Think platters of French pastries, silver coupes filled with grapes, and homemade paper chains that are prettier than the ones you remember from kindergarten.

Most recently, we’re looking to Tess Gigone—Toronto-based creator and our resident recipe try-er in It’s Fine—for all the inspiration. At Food52, we’ve seen her tackle classic recipes for the first time ever (gracefully, might I add). And if there’s one thing we’ve learned from watching her, it’s that she has an incredible eye.

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When it comes to potlucks and parties, a standout pasta salad can steal the show. Whether you're aiming for a mayo-free option, experimenting with unique dressings, or simply need to know how much to prepare for a crowd, we've got you covered.

Let’s be honest—we love pasta salad year-round. It plays well with creamy, comforting flavors in colder months, then graciously welcomes warmer temperatures with bright, fresh zest.

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© Bobbi Lin

© Bobbi Lin

© Bobbi Lin

© Bobbi Lin

© Bobbi Lin

© Bobbi Lin

© Bobbi Lin

© Bobbi Lin

There’s something about spring that makes dinner feel like an occasion again. The days are longer, flowers are blooming, and suddenly setting the table feels just as important as what’s being served.

I’ve loved “tablescaping” for as long as I can remember. Growing up, I’d jump at any excuse to set the table—Sunday dinners, holidays, even regular weeknights. I went through a serious napkin-folding phase (I’m talking flowers, hearts, animals…I’d even refold them at restaurants). At home, I’d use wrapping paper as a makeshift runner, sprinkle confetti around (much to my mother’s annoyance), and rummage through drawers for anything remotely decorative.

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Welcome to Come on Over, a Food52 newsletter about hosting life’s big and little moments. It’s where we share our editor’s personal tips and tricks, from modern-day etiquette—shoes off or shoes on?—to making extra seating out of every surface of an apartment. This week, Kelly is gearing up for pasta night.

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No two-syllable word hits me quite like “pasta.” Aside from potatoes (hey, I am Irish), there’s no greater comfort food. A tomato sauce base is top tier—I’ll hear no different—and the smell of garlic knots baking as guests walk through the door? Magic. While pasta night is a simple concept, I believe in small elevations that give even the most casual affairs a bit more oomph. So pick your poison (pasta shape) and let’s get into it.

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